The Edge of the World: How the North Sea Made Us Who We Are (58 page)

3
J. C. Besteman, ‘The pre-Urban
Development of Medemblik: From an Early Medieval Trading Centre to a Medieval
Town’, in H. A. Heidinga and H. H. van Regteren Altena (eds.),
Medemblik
and Monnickendam: Aspects of Medieval Urbanization in Northern Holland
(Amsterdam, 1989), esp. pp. 21–8.

4
William H. TeBrake, ‘Taming the
Waterwolf: Hydraulic Engineering and Water Management in the Netherlands during the
Middle Ages’,
Technology and Culture
43, 3 (2002), pp. 475ff.

5
Jill Eddison, ‘The Purpose,
Construction and Operation of a 13th Century Watercourse: The Rhee, Romney Marsh,
Kent’, in Anthony Long, Stephen Hipkin and Helen Clarke (eds.),
Romney
Marsh: Coastal and Landscape Change through the Ages
(Oxford, 2002).

6
Alan Mayhew,
Rural Settlement and
Farming in Germany
(London, 1973), pp. 47–9, 148; G. P. van de Ven (ed.),
Man-Made Lowlands: History of Water Management and Land Reclamation in the
Netherlands
(Utrecht, 2004), pp. 98–100, 139–40.

7
C. T. Smith, ‘Dutch Peat Digging
and the Origin of the Norfolk Broads’,
Geographical Journal
132, 1
(1966), pp. 71–2.

8
On this and the ‘lake
phase’, see Petra J. E. M. van Dam, ‘Sinking Peat Bogs: Environmental
Change in Holland 1350–1550’,
Environmental History
6, 1 (2001), pp.
32ff.

9
Tim Soens, ‘Floods and Money:
Funding Drainage and Flood Control in Coastal Flanders from the Thirteenth to the
Sixteenth Centuries’,
Continuity and Change
26, 3 (2011), pp.
333ff.

10
J. M. Bos, ‘A Fourteenth
Century Industrial Complex at Monnickendam’, in Heidinga and Altena,
Medemblik and Monnickendam
, p. 59.

11
Bas van Bavel and Oscar Gelderbloom,
‘Cleanliness in the Dutch Golden Age’,
Past and Present
205
(2009), pp. 41ff.

12
James H. Barrett, Alison M. Locker
and Callum M. Roberts, ‘“Dark Age Economics” Revisited: The
English Fish Bone Evidence
AD
600–1600’,
Antiquity
78
(2004), pp. 618 ff.

13
James H. Barrett, Roelf P. Beukens
and Rebecca A. Nicholson, ‘Diet and Ethnicity during the Viking Colonization
of Northern Scotland: Evidence from Fish Bones and Table Carbon Isotopes’,
Antiquity
75 (2000), pp. 145ff. Compare James H. Barrett et al.,
‘Archaeo-ichthyological Evidence for Long-Term Socio-economic Trends in
Northern Scotland: 3500
BC
to
AD
1500’,
Journal of Archaeological Science
26, pp. 353ff.

14
Kevin Crossley-Holland (tr.),
The
Anglo-Saxon World: An Anthology
(Oxford, 1984), p. 223.

15
Astri Riddervold, ‘The
Importance of Herring in the Daily Life of the Coastal Population of Norway’,
in Harlan Walker (ed.),
Staple Foods
(London, 1990), pp. 189–90.

16
Sophia Perdikaris, ‘From
Chiefly Provisioning to Commercial Fishery: Long-Term Economic Change in Arctic
Norway’,
World Archaeology
30, 3 (1999), pp. 397–9.

17
Carsten Jahnke, ‘The Medieval
Herring Fishery in the Western Baltic’, in Louis Sicking and Darlene
Abreu-Ferreira (eds.),
Beyond the
Catch: Fisheries of the North Atlantic, the North
Sea and the Baltic 900–1850
(Leiden, 2009), pp. 172–6.

18
Richard C. Hoffmann, ‘Economic
Development and Aquatic Ecosystems in Medieval Europe’,
American
Historical Review
101, 3 (1996), pp. 631ff.

19
Jean Desse and Nathalie Desse-Berset,
‘Pêches locales, côtières ou lointaines: le poisson au menu des parisiens du
Grand Louvre du 14ème au 18ème siècles’,
Anthropozoologica
16 (1992),
pp. 119–26.

20
Oliver H. Creighton,
Designs upon
the Land: Élite landscapes of the Middle Ages
(Woodbridge, 2009), pp.
114–19.

21
Odile Redon, Françoise Sabban and
Silvano Serventi,
The Medieval Kitchen: Recipes from France and Italy
(Chicago, 1998), pp. 123–4.

22
Naomi Sykes, ‘Animal Bones and
Animal Parks’, in Robert Liddiard (ed.),
The Medieval Park: New
Perspectives
(Macclesfield, 2007), pp. 50–51.

23
Aleksander Pluskowski, ‘The
Social Construction of Medieval Park Ecosystems: An Interdisciplinary
Perspective’, in Liddiard,
Medieval Park
, pp. 63ff.

24
Richard C. Hoffmann, ‘Fishing
for Sport in Medieval Europe: New Evidence’,
Speculum
60, 4 (1985),
pp. 884–5 for Perceval; pp. 887–8 for Wallace.

25
Christopher K. Currie, ‘The
Early History of the Carp and Its Economic Significance in England’,
Agricultural History Review
39, 2 (1991), pp. 97–107.

26
Thomas Hale,
A compleat body of
husbandry
, II (London, 1758), p. 116.

27
See Dries Tys, ‘Walraversijde,
Another Kettle of Fish? Dynamics and Identity of a Late Medieval Coastal Settlement
in a proto-Capitalistic Landscape’, and on material culture Marnix Pieters,
‘The Archaeology of Fishery, Trade and Piracy: The Material Environment of
Walraversijde and Other Late Medieval and Early Modern Fishing Communities along the
Southern North Sea’, in Marnix Pieters, Frans Verhaege and Glenn Geveart
(eds.),
Fishery, Trade and Piracy
(Brussels, 2006).

1
Ivo of Narbonne’s letter is in C.
Raymond Beazley,
The Texts and Versions of John de Plano Carpini and William of
Rubruquis as printed for the first time by Hakluyt in 1598
(London 1903),
p. 41. Hygiene and pigtails are in the
Journal of John of Plano Carpini
, in
Beazley,
Texts and Versions
, p. 109; Hakluyt’s translations and his
idea of editing may be troublesome, but his verve is irresistible.

2
Beazley,
Texts and Versions
,
p. 203, lines 25–8.

3
Ibid., p. 40 for eating women.

4
Quoted in Sophia Menache,
‘Tartars, Jews, Saracens and the Jewish-Mongol “Plot” of
1241’, in
History
81, 263 (July 1996), p. 324 for
‘infliction’; p. 321 for ‘lions or bears’.

5
Robert Marshall,
Storm from the
East: From Genghis Khan to Khublai Khan
(Berkeley, 1993), pp. 91–6.

6
Beazley,
Texts and Versions
,
p. 114, line 13, for hunters; p. 122, line 17, for skulls; p. 188, line 8, for lack
of cities.

7
Marshall,
Storm from the East
,
p. 132 for fishermen; p. 133 for evil spirits.

8
Beazley,
Texts and Versions
,
p. 126, line 11, for spies; p. 126, line 28, for ‘policy’; p. 126, line
38, for ‘devils’; p. 125, line 26, for ‘not any one
kingdom’; p. 138, line 3, for chapels.

9
Menache, ‘Tartars, Jews,
Saracens’, p. 325.

10
Ibid., p. 334 for Messiah; p. 332 for
‘enclosed people’; p. 336 for David; p. 337 for rumours.

11
For a discussion of this, see Simha
Goldin,
The Ways of Jewish Martyrdom
(Turnhout, 2008), pp. 213ff.

12
Benjamin Hudson,
North Sea
Studies
(Dublin, 2006), pp. 188ff.

13
Davide Bigalli,
I Tartari e
l’Apocalisse
(Firenze, 1971), pp. 110–14.

14
Stewart C. Easton,
Roger Bacon
and His Search for a Universal Science
(Oxford, 1952), p. 176 for
revelation; p. 32 for diamonds; pp. 114–15 for cheapness; pp. 87–8 for letter to
Pope; p. 112 for list of inventions.

15
Ernst Dümmler (ed.),
Epistolae
Karolini aevi
, vol. II (Berlin, 1895), letters 16–21, p. 43.

16
J. P. Migne (ed.),
Patrologiae
cursus completus: sive biblioteca universalis
, vol. 172 (Paris, 1854), cap.
IV, col. 76, for rain and cap. VII, col. 77, for blood rain and why it is red. For a
fuller discussion, see Paul Edward Dutton, ‘Observations on Early Medieval
Weather in General, Bloody Rain in Particular’, in Jennifer R. Davis and
Michael McCormick (eds.),
The Long Morning of Medieval Europe
(Aldershot,
2008), pp. 177ff.

17
Charles Burnett (ed.),
Quaestiones Naturales
, in
Adelard of Bath: Conversations with His
Nephew
(Cambridge, 1998), C1 at p. 92 and C4 at p. 96. The translations are
mine.

18
Lynn Thorndike,
A History of
Magic and Experimental Science
(New York, 1923), vol. II, p. 39.

19
See Lorraine Daston and Katherine
Park,
Wonders and the Order of Nature
(New York, 1998), pp. 109ff.

20
Thorndike,
History of Magic
,
vol. II, p. 24 for ‘modern’ attitudes.

21
See Steven P. Marrone,
The Light
of Thy Countenance: Science and the Knowledge of God in the Thirteenth
Century
(Leiden, 2001), vol. I, pp. 11, 78–9, 105.

22
Johannes Fried (tr. Denise
Modigliani),
Les Fruits de l’Apocalyspe: Origines de la pensée
scientifique au Moyen Âge
(Paris, 2004), pp. 54–5.

23
Devra Kunin (tr.) and Carl Phelpstead
(ed.),
A History of Norway and the Passion and Miracles of the Blessed
Óláfr
(London, 2001), p. 11.

24
Quoted in A. George Molland,
‘Colonizing the World for Mathematics: The Diversity of Medieval
Strategies’, in Edward Grant and John E. Murdoch (eds.),
Mathematics and
Its Applications to Science and Natural Philosophy in the Middle Ages
(Cambridge, 1987), p. 50.

25
Thorndike,
History of Magic
,
vol. II, p. 541.

26
Ibid., vol. I, p. 726, and vol. II,
p. 361.

27
Molland, ‘Colonizing the
World’, in Grant and Murdoch,
Mathematics and Its Applications
, p.
47.

28
Roger Bacon,
Opus Tertium
,
in J. S. Brewer (ed.),
Opera Quaedam Hactenus Inedita
, vol. I (London,
1859), pp. 51–2.

29
David C. Lindberg, ‘Roger Bacon
and the Origins of
Perspectiva
in the West’, in Grant and Murdoch,
Mathematics and Its Applications
, pp. 254, 258–9.

30
Angelo Crescini,
Il Problema
Metodologico alle Origini della Scienza Moderna
(Rome, 1972), pp.
308–9.

31
Joel Kaye,
Economy and Nature in
the Fourteenth Century: Money, Market Exchange and the Emergence of Scientific
Thought
(Cambridge, 1998), p. 143; pp. 166–73 for Buridan.

32
J. A. Giles (ed.),
William of
Malmesbury’s Chronicle
(London, 1847), pp. 251ff.; cf. Maria Elena
Ruggerini, ‘Tales of Flight in Old Norse and Medieval English Texts’,
Viking and Medieval Scandinavia
2 (2006), pp. 222ff.

33
Quoted in R. W. Southern,
Robert
Grosseteste: The Growth of an English Mind in Medieval Europe
(Oxford,
1992), p. 65 (for the importance of this book, see infra).

34
Ibid., p. 147; I have slightly
adjusted the translation.

35
Southern,
Robert
Grosseteste
, is the basis for this account: p. 64 for humble origins; p. 17 for
his Greek. Grosseteste’s life before he became a bishop has been hotly
disputed – if he was chancellor at Oxford, it is unlikely to have been in the years
when such an honour might be taken as evidence of an earlier career in Paris and
Oxford, for example – but Southern’s account seems more convincing than that
in D. A. Callus (ed.),
Robert Grosseteste: Scholar and Bishop
(Oxford,
1955). For a summary of the arguments, see James McEvoy,
Robert Grosseteste
(Oxford, 2000), pp. 19ff.

36
N. M. Schulman, ‘Husband,
Father, Bishop? Grosseteste in Paris’,
Speculum
72, 2, pp. 340ff.

37
‘amico carissimo’:
Grosseteste to Willelmus Avernus 1239, letter LXXVIII, p. 250, in Henry Richards
Luard (ed.),
Roberti Grosseteste … Epistolae
(London, 1861).

38
McEvoy,
Robert Grosseteste
,
pp. 20–21.

39
A. C. Crombie,
‘Grosseteste’s Position in the History of Science’, in D. A.
Callus (ed.),
Robert Grosseteste: Scholar and Bishop
(Oxford, 1955), pp.
104ff.; and for a fuller account, A. C. Crombie,
Robert Grosseteste and the
Origins of Experimental Science 1100–1700
(Oxford, 1953), which is, as the
author acknowledges in later editions, ‘a moment of enthusiasm’.

40
Quoted in Thorndike,
History of
Magic
, vol. II, p. 441.

41
Crescini,
Problema
Metodologico
, p. 266n.

42
James Spedding, Robert Leslie Ellis
and Douglas Denon Heath (eds.),
Temporis Partus Masculus
, in
Works of
Francis Bacon: Philosophical Works
(London, 1858), p. 118.

43
R. H. and M. A. Rouse,
‘Expenses of a Mid Thirteenth-Century Paris
Scholar: Gerard of Abbeville’, in Lesley Smith and
Benedicta Ward (eds.),
Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages
(London, 1992),
pp. 207ff.

44
Thorndike,
History of Magic
,
vol. II, pp. 172–3.

45
P. Glorieux,
La Faculté des Arts
et ses maîtres au XIIIème siècle
(Paris, 1971), p. 56.

46
Elizabeth Mornet, ‘Pauperes
scolares: Essai sur la condition matérielle des étudiants scandinaves dans les
Universités aux XIVème et XVème siècles’,
Le Moyen Âge
84
(1978), pp. 54ff.; p. 75 for straw rules; p. 55 for records and bursae.