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Authors: H. H. Scullard
217 Camp of the Scipios at Almenara, near Saguntum (p. 213).
206 Camp of Scipio at Ilipa (p. 228; cf. H. H. Scullard,
JRS
, 1936, 19 ff.).
c. 195 Camps of Cato’s campaigns at Emporiae (?. See A. Schulten,
Arch. Anzeiger
, 1940, 75 ff.), Aguilar, Alpanesque (near Segontia) and Renieblas I and summer camp II.
153 Summer camp of Nobilior at Almazan.
153 Nobilior’s camp at Renieblas III (Camps IV and V belong to the war with Sertorius).
152 Marcellus’ camp at Numantia on Castillejo I.
141–140 Pompeius’ camp at Numantia on Castillejo II.
139 Servilius Caepio’s camp near Caceres: Castra Servilia (later camps near Caceres date from the Sertorian war).
138 Brutus’ camp, the
cava di Viriato
, at Viseu in Portugal.
134 Scipio’s seven camps around Numantia.
11
S
PAIN 154–133 BC
. On these wars see H. Simon,
Roms Kriege in Spanien, 154–133 v. Chr,
(1962); A. E. Astin,
Scipio Aemilianus
(1967), 35 ff., 137 ff.
12
R
EVOLT AND NOBILIOR
. On the site of Segeda see A. Schulten,
Arch. Anzeiger
, 1933, 547. A bronze tablet, referring to a treaty between ten Celtiberian towns, belongs either to this period or later (
c.
98
BC
): see Schulten,
Hermes
, 1915, 237. In order that the consul might start his campaign early, the beginning of the civil year was altered from 15 March to 1 January. Modern Europe thus owes the beginning of its year to the Celtiberian War. On Nobilior’s camp see n. 10 above.
13
V
IRIATHUS
. On the war with Viriathus see A. Schulten,
Neue Jahrbücher
, 1917, 1 ff. and Kromayer,
Atlas
, col. 56. Little was known of details, topographical and strategical, until Schulten’s researches revealed the main outline.
14
N
UMANTIA
. Schulten believes that the town wall was partially destroyed when the inhabitants spread beyond it, so that the attacks of Nobilior in 153 and of Scipio in 134 were against an unwalled town. But the archaeological evidence has been interpreted differently by R. G. Collingwood and M. I. Munro (
JRS
, 1931, 156) who suggest that the town wall was not destroyed.
15
H
ANNIBAL AS SUFFETE
. The date of his office, whether 197, 196 or 195 is uncertain; 196 is the most probable, with 195 as the year of his flight into exile. See E. Groag,
Hannibal als Politiker
, 114, n. 4, Scullard,
Roman Politics
, 284; J. Briscoe,
Comm. Livy, xxi–xxxiii
, 335 at L. xxxiii, 45.
16
M
ASINISSA
. See Polybius’ tribute, xxxvi, 16. On Masinissa’s achievement cf. P. G. Walsh,
JRS
, 1965, 149 ff.; G. Camps,
Massinissa
(=
Libyca
, viii, 1960).
17
T
HE FOSSA REGIA
. The frontier of Carthage at the beginning of the Third Punic War followed the same course as the boundary between the future province of Africa and Numidia, called the
fossa regia
. The discovery of boundary stones has shown that Carthage only retained the north-east corner of Tunisia and a narrow coastal strip on the east.
18
C
AUSES OF THE THIRD PUNIC WAR
. Commercial jealousy, the view of Mommsen, has been effectively rejected by Kahrstedt (
Gesch. d. Karthager
, iii, 616 ff.), T. Frank (
Roman Imperialism
, 234) and E. Badian (
Roman Imperialism in the late Republic
(1968), 20). After the war the Romans made no attempt to occupy or exploit the commercial facilities of Carthage, while at xxxvi, 9 Polybius is silent about possible trade rivalry. Badian (
Foreign Clientelae
, 125 ff., and esp. 133 ff.) underlines Roman fear of Carthaginian strength (in contrast to Kahrstedt’s view of Carthaginian weakness which, it was feared, might tempt Masinissa to attack Carthage and try to dominate North Africa). W. Hoffmann (
Historia
, 1960, 309 ff.) emphasizes the growth of
metus Punicus
. On Roman policy see further F. E. Adcock,
Cambr. Hist. J.
, 1946, 117 ff.; A. E. Astin,
Scipio Aemilianus
(1967), 272 ff; and (on Scipio’s policy) H. H. Scullard,
JRS
, 1960, 59 ff.
19 C
ARTHAGE: TOPOGRAPHY
. See D. B. Harden,
Greece and Rome
(1939), 1 ff.; C. Picard,
Carthage
(1951); B. H. Warmington,
Carthage
, edn 2, (1969), 128 ff. See H. Hurst,
Antiquaries J.
, 1975, 11 ff.; 1976, 117 ff.; 1977, 232 ff.; CEDAC (Centre d’Études… arch. de la Conservation de Carthage) Bulletin I (September 1978, Tunis); S. Lancel,
Byrsa
, i (Rome, 1974). The general accuracy of Appian’s description (
Lib.
, 96) of the splendid circular naval harbour, with ship-sheds for 220 vessels, has now been confirmed.
1
T
HE EQUESTRIAN ORDER
. Polybius (vi, 17) gives a description of their activities about 150
BC
(‘nearly everyone’ had an interest in state contracts). See H. Hill,
The Roman Middle Class
(1952); C. Nicolet,
L’Ordre équestre à l’époque republicaine
, i, ii (1966, 1975); (the basic thesis of this book, namely that the
ordo equester
consisted only of
equites equo publico
, has not met with widespread acceptance); P. A. Brunt in
The Crisis of the Roman Republic
(ed. R. Seager, 1969), 83 ff; E. Badian,
Publicans and Sinners
(1972) and briefly
OCD
2
, s.v. Equites.
2
F
REEDMEN
. See in general S. Treggiari,
Roman Freedmen during the Late Republic
(1969) and, for the history of their voting rights, pp. 37 ff.
3
A
GRARIAN AND COLONIAL POLICY
. See G. Tibiletti,
Athenaeum
, 1950, 183 ff.; A. J. Toynbee,
Hannibal’s Legacy
, (1965), ii, 190 ff.
4
C
OLONIES
. Latin colonies: Copia (193), Vibo (192), Placentia and Cremona (190), Bononia (189), Aquileia (181), ?Luca (180). Citizen colonies: Volturnum, Liternum, Puteoli, Salernum, Buxentum, Pyrgi, Sipontum, Tempsa, Croton (194), Potentia, Pisaurum, Auximum (184), Mutina, Parma, Saturnia (183), Graviscae (181), Luna (177). The larger size of citizen colonies founded from 183
BC
(pp. 293 ff.) perhaps led to the introduction of the duovirate or dual
praetura
(p. 147) and hastened the assimilation of such colonies to
municipia
: cf. A. N. Sherwin-White,
Rom. Cit.
, edn 2, 81 ff. See also E. T. Salmon,
Roman Colonisation
(1969), eh. vi.
5
I
US MIGRANDI
. The law that members of Latin colonies founded after 266 must leave a son behind (p. 484 n. 24) might be evaded by manumitting and adopting a slave. Between 187 and 177 the restricted
ius migrandi
was probably applied to
all
Latin colonies.
6
L
EGES PORCIAE
. See Bloch-Carcopino,
La République romaine
, ii, 145; A. H. McDonald,
JRS
, 1944, 19; A. H. M. Jones,
Criminal Courts of the Roman Republic and Principate
(1972), 22 ff.
7
A
LLIED GRIEVANCES
. Senatorial interference: Polybius, vi, 13, 3. Sidicinum: C. Gracchus,
apud Aul. Gell.
, x, 3, 2–3.
8
A
NTI-EXPANSIONISM
. See F. B. Marsh,
The Founding of the Roman Empire
(1927), ch. i.
9
R
OMAN POLICY NON-COMMERCIAL
. See T. Frank,
Roman Imperialism
(1914), ch. xiv; and
CAH
, viii, 348; also cf. p. 518 n. 18 above. On Italian trade see J. Hatzfeld,
Les trafiquants italiens dans l’Orient hellénique
(1919).
10
P
ROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION
. The general methods have already been discussed in connection with the formation of the province of Sicily (ch. viii, 1): conditions varied in the different provinces, and it was a great merit of the Roman system to avoid imposing an unnatural uniformity. In general see G. H. Stevenson,
Roman Provincial Administration
(1939); E. Badian,
Publicans and Sinners
(1972).
11
T
HE TRIBUNATE AND THE LEX AELIA AND FUFIA
. On the tribunes’ increasing independence of the Senate and magistrates see L. R. Taylor, ‘Forerunners of the Gracchi’,
JRS
, 1962, 19 ff. On the law see A. E. Astin,
Latomus
, 1964, 421 ff.; A. K. Michels,
The Calendar of the Roman Republic
(1967), 94 ff.
12
L
EX VILLIA ANNALIS
. See A. E. Astin,
The Lex Annalis before Sulla
(1957).
13 N
OBLE EXCLUSIVENESS
. ‘
Consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebat
’: Sallust,
Bell. lug.
, 63, 3. It is instructive to compare the working of aristocracy in England. It is very exceptional to find a commoner in the Cabinet in the eighteenth century, and in the nineteenth ‘every Cabinet from Lord Grey’s Reform Bill administration to that of Disraeli in 1874 was wholly, or almost wholly, aristocratic. There was this advance from the eighteenth century – that it was not necessary to be a peer in order to be a Cabinet Minister, but birth and connection were almost indispensable to Cabinet rank’ (O. F. Christie,
The Transition from Aristocracy, 1832–1867
(1927), 114).
14
P
OLITICAL FACTIONS
. The ‘prosopographical’ analysis of Roman politics derives mainly from M. Gelzer’s work on the nobility (now translated as
The Roman Nobility
(1969) by R. Seager) and the development of some of his ideas by F. Münzer,
Römische Adelsparteien und Adelsfamilien
(1920). For the application of group politics to different periods see F. Cassola,
I gruppi politici romani del iii secolo a.C.
(1962; on this cf. E. S. Starveley,
JRS
, 1963, 182 ff.); A. Lippold,
Consules… 264 bis 201 v. Chr.
(1963); H. H. Scullard,
Roman Politics, 220–150
BC, edn 2 (1972); E. Badian,
Foreign Clientelae, 264–70
BC (1958). Brief general discussions of method are given by A. E. Astin,
Politics and Policies in the Roman Republic
(a lecture, 1968) and T. R. S. Broughton,
Aufstieg NRW
, I, i, 250 ff. On
factio
see R. Seager,
JRS
, 1972, 55 ff. While most historians would now agree that the essential nature of Roman political life was personal, they remain divided about the extent to which groups of friends and clients gathered round an individual and on how durable such groups which were held together by ties of family and
amicitia
(political alliance) may have been. On the ideals of the nobles see D. Earl,
The Moral and Political Tradition of Rome
(1967).
15
S
CIPIO AFRICANUS
. The idea that the people wished to make him perpetual consul and dictator is based on late and unreliable evidence (Livy, xxxviii, 56): see H. H. Scullard,
Roman Politics
, edn 2 (1972), 83 ff., 282. Scipio’s visit to Delphi in
SEG
, i, 144. Visit to Delos in 193: Holleaux,
Hermes
, 1913, 75; in 189: Dittenberger,
Sylloge
, ii, 617. Decrees
proxenia
to the Scipios by Aptera in Crete in 189: M. Guarducci,
Inscr. Cret.
, ii, Aptera 5A. Letter to Colophon in 190: M. Holleaux,
Riv. d. Fil.
, 1924, 29 ff. Letter to Heraclea: Dittenberger,
Sylloge
, ii, 618 and De Sanctis,
SR
, IV, i, 226 n. and 576 n. On the treaty which terminated the war of Heraclea and Miletus in 180: Dittenberger,
Sylloge
, ii, 633.
16
P
HILHELLENISM
. Two camps: R. M. Haywood,
Studies in Scipio Africanus
(1933). The idea of A. H. McDonald (
JRS
, 1938, 155 ff.) that Flamininus supported the old Hellenic ideal of the Greek city-state at the expense of the Hellenistic kingdoms, while Scipio’s policy was based more broadly, has not been accepted by all, though it has much to commend it.
17
T
HE TRIAL OF THE SCIPIOS
. On this vexed question see P. Fraccaro,
I Processi degli Scipioni
(1911) and
Athenaeum
, 1939, 3 ff. (=
Opuscula
, i, 263 ff., 393 ff.); H. H. Scullard,
Roman Politics, 220–150
BC edn 2 (1972), 290 ff. Alternatively to what is said in the text, some maintain that the attack on Africanus occurred in 187 and merely formed an incident in the trial of Lucius; the evidence is inconclusive.
18
C
ATO
. See D. Kienast,
Cato der Zensor
(1954); F. della Corte,
Cato
, edn 2 (1969); H. H. Scullard,
Roman Politics
, edn 2 (1972), s.v. index; A. E. Astin,
Cato the Censor
(1978).
1
A
GRICULTURE
. On agriculture and Roman methods see especially K. D. White,
Roman Farming
(1970); also his
Agricultural Implements of the Roman World
(1967) and
Farm Equipment of the Roman World
(1975). Also W. E. Heitland,
Agricola
(1921).
2
C
HANGING AGRARIAN CONDITIONS
. See A. J. Toynbee,
Hannibal’s Legacy
(1965), ii, chs v– viii; M. Rostovtzeff,
Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire
, ch. i.