Authors: Leanda de Lisle
 Â
2
.
 Â
There is no source dating from Jane's reign, or before it, that she had said, on hearing of Edward's decision, that she believed Mary was the rightful ruler, as her French allies later claimed she had.
 Â
3
.
 Â
Its chief âcaptains' under Edward VI were the foreigners John Calvin, Peter Martyr, Heinrich Bullinger âand such other rutterkyns [crafty creatures]', one pamphleteer noted, adding of these, âI would to God thou hadst [stayed] drunk with Hans and Jacob in Strasbourg . . . I would to God thou hadst remained in Switzerland.' Duffy,
Saints, Sacrilege, Sedition
, p. 19.
 Â
4
.
 Â
CSPS
11, 7 and 10 July.
 Â
5
.
 Â
Tracy Borman,
Elizabeth's Women: The Hidden Story of the Virgin Queen
(2009), p. 133.
 Â
6
.
 Â
Elizabeth's tutor Roger Ascham would later claim that he had long prepared Elizabeth for rule, but Ascham played up the achievements of a number of evangelical women (Jane Grey is another) while ignoring the achievements of conservatives. One example is the young aristocrat Lady Jane Fitzalan. This relative unknown was
the first person to translate one of Euripides' plays into English and in doing so composed the earliest piece of extant English drama by a woman. On Elizabeth's and Mary's education, see Aysha Pollnitz, âChristian Women or Sovereign Queens? The Schooling of Mary and Elizabeth' in
Tudor Queenship: The Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth
(ed Anna Whitelock and Alice Hunt) (2010), p. 136.
 Â
7
.
 Â
CSPS
11, 11 July.
 Â
8
.
 Â
CSPS
11, p. 83; the Lord Treasurer William Paulet, Marquess of Winchester, brought the jewels to her on 12 July (British Library Harleian MSS 611, f. 1a).
 Â
9
.
 Â
Wriothesley,
Chronicle
, Vol. 2, p. 87.
10
.
 Â
Alan Bryson, â“The speciall men in every shere”: The Edwardian regime, 1547â1553', PhD diss., St Andrews (2001), p. 280.
11
.
 Â
The Protestant John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, was persuaded by his common servants to imprison his own pro-Grey gentlemen. Amongst them were several members of the Golding family, one of whom later witnessed Mary Grey's marriage to Thomas Keyes. See
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
for the Earl of Oxford, and de Lisle,
Sisters
, for Mary Grey's marriage.
12
.
 Â
There are echoes here of Jane as the âqueen of a new and pretty invention'. Oxburgh Hall, Bedingfield MSS in Porter,
Mary Tudor
, pp. 208, 209.
13
.
 Â
De Lisle,
Sisters
, p. 121.
14
.
 Â
Lady Throckmorton. Her father, Sir Nicholas Carew, had been an ally to Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and as a widow she would later marry Frances' widower, Adrian Stokes.
15
.
 Â
Lady Throckmorton.
16
.
 Â
Narratives of the days of the Reformation
(ed J. G. Nichols) (1859), pp. 151, 152, 153, 226; Estienne Perlin,
Description des Royaulmes D'Angleterre et D'Escosse 1558
(1775), pp. vi, vii;
CSPS
11, p. 113;
CSPD
,
Edward VI and Mary I
(ed C. S. Knighton) (1998), p. 344.
17
.
 Â
Julius Ternetianius to Ab Ulmis;
Original Letters Relative to the English Reformation
(ed Hastings Robinson), Vol. 1 (1846), p. 367.
18
.
 Â
N. P. Sil,
Tudor Placemen and Statesmen: Select Case Histories
(2001), p. 86.
19
.
 Â
CSPS
11, 4 September.
20
.
 Â
Elizabeth would wear the same costume for the same procession â a strong indication that Mary wore what the contemporary recorders described. J. R. Planché,
Regal Records: or a Chronicle of the Coronations of the Queen Regnants of England
(1838), p. 6. The story of her wearing a huge heavy crown that she had to hold on her head is later anti-Marian propaganda.
21
.
 Â
Malfatti,
The Accession, Coronation and Marriage of Mary Tudor
, p. 67.
30
  Â
Revolt
 Â
1
.
 Â
CSPS
11, 19 October 1553.
 Â
2
.
 Â
Ibid.
 Â
3
.
 Â
On 10 October; see Porter,
Mary Tudor
, p. 276.
 Â
4
.
 Â
Anna Whitelock,
Mary Tudor: England's First Queen
(2010), p. 224.
 Â
5
.
 Â
CSPS
11, 28 November 1553.
 Â
6
.
 Â
The case for the Grey family's âinnocence' was made in Robert Wingfield's
Vita Mariae Angliae Reginae
. This ignored the religious basis of the attempt to exclude Mary from the throne. Instead Frances is said to have opposed Jane's marriage in May 1553, but John Dudley persuaded her husband, nevertheless, to agree to it by promising âa scarcely imaginable haul of great wealth and honour to his house'. In other words he had been bought off, just as the regime had tried to buy Mary off. It was further claimed that after the wedding, John Dudley had tried to poison Harry Grey, just as he had supposedly poisoned Edward. Doing so would have cleared the way for Guildford to be crowned in a joint ceremony with Jane, thus achieving Dudley's supposed ambition to make his son king (De Lisle,
Sisters
, pp. 126, 127).
 Â
7
.
 Â
Prince Philip of Spain and William of Orange.
 Â
8
.
 Â
A girdle prayer book from this period, which by tradition belonged to Elizabeth, and was passed by descent through her Boleyn
relatives, contains a âmanuscript copy of the last prayer of Edward VI': the sort of thing Jane's might also have contained. The book had gold enamelled covers, with a classical head (not black velvet), and had belonged to the Carey family â Henry Carey, the elder son of Mary Boleyn was at this time a gentleman in Elizabeth's household. Hugh Tait, âThe Girdle Prayer Book or “Tablet”' in
Jewellery Studies
2 (1985), p. 53.
 Â
9
.
 Â
It wasn't often carried out, but Henry VIII burned a gentlewoman for treason in 1537, and in 1538 James V burned an aunt of Margaret Douglas.
10
.
 Â
De Lisle,
Sisters
, p. 139. The Catholic convert in question was Thomas Harding.
11
.
 Â
The Lord Chamberlain was Sir John Gage.
12
.
 Â
A. F. Pollard,
Tudor Tracts
(1903), p. 190.
13
.
 Â
The Chronicle of Queen Jane
(ed Nichols), p. 49.
14
.
 Â
John Foxe,
Acts and Monuments
(ed Stephen Reed) (1838), Vol. 6, Bk 10, pp. 1,418â9.
15
.
 Â
Narratives of the days of the Reformation
(ed Nichols), p. 161.
16
.
 Â
Pollard,
Tudor Tracts
, p. 190.
17
.
 Â
The Chronicle of Queen Jane
(ed Nichols), p. 49; John Ponet,
A Shorte Treatise of Politike Pouuer
(1556) in Winthrop Hudson,
John Ponet
(1942), p. 134.
18
.
 Â
Nor does she cast any blame on her father for her death. This contrasts with a fraudulent letter which appeared in 1570, published by John Foxe. In this Jane proclaims her innocence and implies her father is responsible for her fate. In the prayer book Guildford had also composed a farewell to Jane's father, although the optimism concerning his fate suggests it was written before the Wyatt revolt failed, and after Guildford's conviction for treason in November. It reads âyour loving and obedient son wisheth unto your grace long life in this world with as much joy and comfort as ever I wished to myself, and in the world to come joy everlasting, your most humble son to his death GDudley'. I am not convinced
by Janel Mueller's contention that the flourish that follows is an âr' for ârex' as a) Rex would have been done with a capital R, b) he would have signed it Guildford R, and c) he would surely not have signed it thus after 19 July. Thank you to Dr Andrea Clarke of the British Library for her advice and comments on the transcription. Mueller also points out the interesting detail that the prayer book contains prayers already written in the Tower by the Catholic martyrs Thomas More and John Fisher.
19
.
 Â
The Chronicle of Queen Jane
(ed Nichols), p. 55.
20
.
 Â
Ibid., pp. 56, 57;
The Literary Remains of Lady Jane Grey
(ed N. H. Nicolas) (1825), pp. 58â9. The Lieutenant of the Tower was Sir John Bridges.
31
  Â
Marriage and Sons
 Â
1
.
 Â
Harry Grey also sent John Harington, whose son and namesake was Elizabeth's godson.
 Â
2
.
 Â
Frances' stepmother, Katherine Willoughby, Duchess of Suffolk, the widow of Charles Brandon, had married her gentleman usher Richard Bertie, sometime before 20 March the previous year. Frances was close to her, and may have married Stokes at her suggestion. Katherine Willoughby would flee to exile in Europe later that year. Stokes was approximately eighteen months younger than Frances. For the marriage date, see PRO C 142/128/91 for the inquisition post-mortem on Frances; I had previously assumed she had married in 1555, since no mention was made of her marriage in the royal gifts of land to her in 1554.
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3
.
 Â
Frances' marriage would, unfortunately, later tap into the old prejudices about women being unable to control their lust. In 1727, a portrait by Hans Eworth of the hard-faced Lady Dacre and her beardless twenty-one-year-old son was mislabelled as being of Frances and Stokes (who was, in fact, close to her in age). Historians afterwards made much of the resemblance of the female sitter to Henry VIII in his later years, and a myth grew up
that Frances was not only lustful but matched her royal uncle in cruelty and ambition. Stokes was, in fact, only about eighteen months younger than Frances. See Appendix 4 on Frances.
 Â
4
.
 Â
englishhistory.net/tudor/marydesc.html
.
 Â
5
.
 Â
The Chronicle of Queen Jane
(ed Nichols), p. 166;
tudorhistory.org/primary/janemary/app10.html
.
 Â
6
.
 Â
CSPS
13 (37).
 Â
7
.
 Â
Narratives of the days of Reformation
(ed Nichols), p. 289.
 Â
8
.
 Â
Loades,
Mary Tudor
, p. 239.
 Â
9
.
 Â
The Chronicle of Queen Jane
(ed Nichols), p. 163.
10
.
 Â
Ives,
The Reformation Experience
, p. 213.
11
.
 Â
Ibid., p. 205.
12
.
 Â
Her ladies included such Protestants as Lady Anne Bacon.
13
.
 Â
By 1559 fourteen per cent of Sussex wills and by 1560 ten per cent of Kent wills would use Protestant formulae, and behind these figures lay the zealous faithful. Sue Doran,
Elizabeth I & Religion
(1994), p. 48.
14
.
 Â
A total of 312 died, when those who died in prison are added to the number burned at the stake.
15
.
 Â
The friar was John Forrest. The mockery would not have troubled Latimer. âIf it be your pleasure that I shall play the fool after my customary manner when Forrest shall suffer,' he had written to Cromwell, âI would wish that my stage stood near to Forrest.'
 Â
16
.
 Â
John Foxe wrote to the queen, Lord Burghley, the Privy Council and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, urging that the sentences of two Flemish Anabapists be commuted. His efforts were to no avail and they were burned at Smithfield on 22 July 1575.
17
.
 Â
Henry VIII had burned a mere seventy-six; Thomas Freeman, âBurning Zeal' in
Mary Tudor: Old & New Perspectives
(ed Susan Doran and Thomas Freeman) (2011), p. 180.