Authors: Leanda de Lisle
13
.
 Â
Hall,
Chronicle
, p. 758. Cavendish,
Wolsey
, p. 90, has him saying âit was never merry in England while we had cardinals amongst us'.
14
.
 Â
CSPS
4, Pt I (373).
15
.
 Â
Cavendish,
Wolsey
, pp. 178, 179. Shakespeare later paraphrased this in
Henry VIII
, Act 3, Scene 2, with Wolsey warning Cromwell âHad I but served my God with half the zeal/I served my king, he would not in mine age/Have left me naked to mine enemies.' I also enjoy Wolsey's soliloquy in the same scene:
                   Â
Farewell! a long farewell, to all my greatness!
                   Â
This is the state of man: to-day he puts forth
                   Â
The tender leaves of hopes; to-morrow blossoms,
                   Â
And bears his blushing honours thick upon him;
                   Â
The third day comes a frost, a killing frost,
                   Â
And, when he thinks, good easy man, full surely
                   Â
His greatness is a-ripening, nips his root,
                   Â
And then he falls, as I do. I have ventured,
                   Â
Like little wanton boys that swim on bladders,
                   Â
This many summers in a sea of glory,
                   Â
But far beyond my depth: my high-blown pride
                   Â
At length broke under me and now has left me,
                   Â
Weary and old with service, to the mercy
                   Â
Of a rude stream, that must for ever hide me.
                   Â
Vain pomp and glory of this world, I hate ye:
                   Â
I feel my heart new open'd. O, how wretched
                   Â
Is that poor man that hangs on princes' favours!
                   Â
There is, betwixt that smile we would aspire to,
                   Â
That sweet aspect of princes, and their ruin,
                   Â
More pangs and fears than wars or women have:
                   Â
And when he falls, he falls like Lucifer,
                   Â
Never to hope again.
      Â
The grandiose tomb he had commissioned was plundered by Henry and has largely disappeared, except for the sarcophagus and base. These were moved to St Paul's Cathedral in 1808 to house the body of Lord Nelson.
20
  Â
The Return of Margaret Douglas
 Â
1
.
 Â
L&P
4 (5794). Also in a letter dated 25 November 1528 Margaret Tudor states the Earl of Angus âwald nocht suffere oure ane doghter to remane wicht ws for our comfort, quha wald nocht have been disherest, scho being wicht ws'; William Fraser,
The Douglas Book
, Vol. 2 (1885), p. 289.
 Â
2
.
 Â
Ibid.
 Â
3
.
 Â
The Great Wardrobe Accounts of Henry VII and Henry VIII
(ed Maria Haywood) (2012), p. 197.
 Â
4
.
 Â
CSPS
4 (445).
 Â
5
.
 Â
Certainly there were areas of disagreement about the precise nature and scope of papal authority. The weakness of the papacy in the early fifteenth century had prompted the development of conciliarist theories that placed authority with councils rather than just popes. Indeed, the future Catholic martyr Thomas More had objected to Henry's earlier exultation of papal authority in his attack on Luther. But these subtle differences of interpretation were a very different thing from wholesale rejection of papal authority.
 Â
6
.
 Â
Eamon Duffy, âRome and Catholicity', in
Saints, Sacrilege, Sedition: Religion and Conflict in the Tudor Reformations
(ed E. Duffy) (2012), pp. 195â211.
 Â
7
.
 Â
Starkey,
Six Wives
, pp. 409, 410.
 Â
8
.
 Â
Henry showed the painted table to Charles V in 1522, when the
paintwork still looked new, but it may have been done as early as 1516 when repair work was done on the hall and âle Round table'. See Jon Whitman, âNational Icon: The Winchester Round Table and the Revelation of Authority' in
Arthuriana
18, No. 4 (winter 2008), p. 47.
 Â
9
.
 Â
Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII
, p. 272.
10
.
 Â
Richard Roose was described as the cook by the Imperial ambassador Eustace Chapuys and in the Act of Attainder. A subsequent description of Roose as a friend of the cook appears to be wrong. See William R. Stacey, âRichard Roose and the Parliamentary Use of Attainder in the Reign of Henry VIII' in
Historical Journal
29, 1 (1986), n. 13, p. 3.
11
.
 Â
Ibid., pp. 1â15.
12
.
 Â
âThe Chronicle of the Grey Friars: Henry VIII' in
Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London
', Camden Society old series, Vol. 53 (1852), pp. 29â53.
13
.
 Â
For other cases of men and women being boiled alive for poisoning see âAdditional notes' in ibid., pp. 99â104.
14
.
 Â
CSPV
4 (682).
15
.
 Â
Lacey Baldwin-Smith,
Treason in Tudor England
(2006), p. 21.
16
.
 Â
CSPS
5, Pt II (739). On the importance of the French queen, see
CSPV
4 (694),
CSPS
4, Pt II (765).
17
.
 Â
It was inspired by that of her former mistress Margaret of Austria, â
Groigne qui groigne: vive Bourgoine!
' (Complain who must: long live Burgundy!).
18
.
 Â
L&P
6 (1199). According to David Loades she had replaced Perkin Warbeck's widow, Lady Catherine Gordon; see
Mary Tudor: A Life
(1992), p. 71. Lady Catherine's third husband died that year.
19
.
 Â
L&P
5 (498).
20
.
 Â
Campbell,
Henry VIII
, p. 207.
21
.
 Â
They had made binding promises to each other, followed by intercourse, which under canon law was a valid marriage â for those not already married â on 14 November.
 Â
22
.
 Â
Ives,
Anne Boleyn
, p. 161; Bernard,
Anne Boleyn
, p. 66 (i.e. in front of a priest).
23
.
 Â
L&P
8 (1150).
24
.
 Â
L&P
6 (720).
25
.
 Â
Chronicle of King Henry VIII of England: Being a Contemporary Record of Some of the Principal Events
(ed Martin Andrew Sharp Hume) (1889), p. 135. Mary Tudor, Duchess of Suffolk and Queen of France, was buried on 21 July 1533.
26
.
 Â
A couple of years earlier Fitzroy had passed on to one of his servants what he considered to be the second-rate Spanish saddle horse that Anne had given him. It was âvery ill to ride and of worse condition'. See Murphy, PhD diss., op. cit., p. 146; HMC Longleat Miscellaneous Manuscripts XVII, f. 98.
27
.
 Â
Charles Wriothesley,
Chronicle of England during the reign of the Tudors, 1485â1559
(ed William Douglas Hamilton), Vol. 1 (1875), p. 18.
28
.
 Â
CSPV
4 (694).
29
.
 Â
Society of Antiquaries, London, MSS 129, f. 8. It remained in royal inventories until 1547 when it was âacquired' by the Protector of Somerset.
30
.
 Â
For a detailed description of the coronation, see
L&P
6 (601).
31
.
 Â
L&P
6 (585).
32
.
 Â
Ibid.
33
.
 Â
Two Chronicles of London
(ed C. L. Kingsford) (1910), p. 8.
34
.
 Â
Wriothesley,
Chronicle
, pp. 19, 20.
21
  Â
The Terror Begins
 Â
1
.
 Â
His mother was Elizabeth of York's sister, Katherine.
 Â
2
.
 Â
L&P
6 (1111) (1112) (1125).
 Â
3
.
 Â
Diane Watt, âElizabeth Barton',
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
.
 Â
4
.
 Â
L&P
6 (1207).
 Â
5
.
 Â
Margaret Douglas' name appears in the New Year gift list so she was at court by 1 January.
 Â
6
.
 Â
L&P
7, Appendix 16 March.
 Â
7
.
 Â
L&P
6 (1528).
 Â
8
.
 Â
It later emerged that Lord Hussey (whose wife served in Mary's household) was one such.
 Â
9
.
 Â
Stanford Lehmberg, âParliamentary Attainder in the Reign of Henry VIII' in
Historical Journal
18 (1975), pp. 681, 682. âDuring the earlier part of Henry VIII's reign, then, attainder was used sparingly and traditionally. No one was sent to his death solely by an act of Parliament . . . The breach with Rome altered the situation dramatically.' âThe pivotal act was the famous measure directed against Elizabeth Barton and her confederates, brought before the Reformation Parliament in 1534.' âThe Act is clearly a political measure, not a financial one, for the offenders had little property; it is the first act to deal with religious dissent, the first act filled with propaganda, the first act to be proclaimed throughout the realm, the first act to specify the death penalty, the first act of the Tudors which in itself sent offenders to the scaffold [in fact Fisher's cook Richard Roose was the first], the first Tudor attainder for misprision, the first attainder commanding the surrender of treasonous printed matter.'
10
.
 Â
CSPS
5, Pt I, (90): âEver since the king began to entertain doubts as to his mistress' reported pregnancy, he has renewed and increased the love which he formerly bore to another very handsome young lady of this court; and whereas the royal mistress, hearing of it, attempted to dismiss the damsel from her service, the king has been very sad, and has sent her a message to this effect: that she ought to be satisfied with what he had done for her; for, were he to commence again, he would certainly not do as much; she ought to consider where she came from, and many other things of the same kind. Yet no great stress is to be laid on such words, considering the king's versatility, and the wiliness (
astuce
) of the said lady, who knows perfectly well how to deal with him.'
11
.
 Â
Dowling,
Fisher
, p. 161.
12
.
 Â
CSPS
4 (445).
13
.
 Â
L&P
8 (666).
14
.
 Â
John Guy,
A Daughter's Love: Thomas and Margaret More
(2008), p. 259.
15
.
 Â
There is a 1588 copy of this bull in the Vatican archives.
Copia bullae Pauli III contra Henricum regem Angliae, quem totumque regnum ecclesiastico interdicto supponti, mandando cunctis ut contra eum arma capiant
. The incipit is â
Eius qui immobilis permanes
'. The datation: â
Datum Rome apud Sanctum Marchum anno incarnatione dominice millesimo quingentesimo trigesimo quinto anno tertio calendas septembris
', i.e. 1 September 1535. (The signature is AA Arm. Arc. 1588).