49. John Quincy Adams, Memoirs , ed. Charles Francis Adams (Philadelphia, 1875), IV, 274–75; Bemis, Foundations , 334–40.
50. See Philip Coolidge Brooks, Diplomacy and the Borderlands: The Adams-Onís Treaty of 1819 (Berkeley, 1939).
51. Weeks, Global Empire , 123–24, 167–68; Bemis, Foundations , 321. The text of the treaty is reprinted in Brooks, Diplomacy and the Borderlands , 205–14.
52. Quoted in Bemis, Foundations , 352.
53. Weeks, Global Empire , 169–74; Bemis, Foundations , 350–62; Henry Clay, “The Independence of Latin America” (March 24, 25, 28, 1818), Papers , ed. Hopkins, II, 512–62.
54. British trade with Latin America was substantial, and from 1822 on, exceeded British trade with the United States. The United States was also hoping to expand commerce with Latin America. See Charles M. Wiltse, The New Nation (New York, 1961), 78, 86–87, 218.
55. Bradford Perkins, The Creation of a Republican Empire, 1776–1865 (Cambridge, Eng., 1993), 155–65. On Canning’s policy, see Dangerfield, Era of Good Feelings , 249–92. Jefferson’s advice to Monroe, dated Oct. 24, 1823, is printed in TJ: Writings , 1481–83.
56. For the discussions within the cabinet, see Cunningham, Presidency of Monroe , 149–59.
57. See Ernest R. May, The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), 181–89. This interpretation of Adams’s motivation is critiqued in Harry Ammon, “The Monroe Doctrine: Domestic Politics or National Decision?” Diplomatic History 5 (1981): 53–70.
58. The tsar’s ukase and other documents are printed in Charles M. Wiltse, ed., Expansion and Reform, 1815–1850 (New York, 1967), 46–53. The complicated three–way diplomatic maneuvers are related in Irby Nichals and Richard Ward, “Anglo-American Relations and the Russian Ukase,” Pacific Historical Review 41 (1972): 444–59.
59. John Quincy Adams, diary entry for July 19, 1823, in his Memoirs , VI, 163; Edward P. Crapol, “John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine,” Pacific Historical Review 48 (1979): 413–18; Worthington C. Ford, ed., “Some Original Documents on the Genesis of the Monroe Doctrine,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 2nd ser., 15 (1901–2): 373–436; Canning, Dec. 12, 1826, quoted in Dangerfield, Era of Good Feelings , 306.
60. See James Monroe, “Seventh Annual Message” (Dec. 2, 1823), Presidential Messages , II, 207–20; the doctrine itself is on 209 and 217–19.
61. The no-transfer principle was originally enunciated by resolution of Congress in 1811, at a time when it was feared that Spain might transfer West Florida to a country more capable of defending it. See Cunningham, Presidency of Monroe , 159.
62. Bemis, Foundations , 523–27.
64. Dexter Perkins, A History of the Monroe Doctrine (Boston, 1963); Mary Baker Eddy is quoted on ix. See also Donald M. Dozer, ed., The Monroe Doctrine: Its Modern Significance (Tempe, Ariz., 1976).
63. See Leopold, Growth of American Foreign Policy , 41–53; Perkins, Republican Empire , 165–69.
65. Evan Cornog, The Birth of Empire: DeWitt Clinton and the American Experience (New York, 1998), 121; Carol Sheriff, The Artificial River (New York, 1996), 21–22, 27; Ronald Shaw, Erie Water West (Lexington, Ky., 1966), 62–80.
66. DeWitt Clinton quoted in Daniel Feller, The Jacksonian Promise (Baltimore, 1995), 16; Shaw, Erie Water West , 87–88.
67. Sheriff, Artificial River , 19; Julius Rubin, “An Innovating Public Improvement,” in Canals and American Economic Development , ed. Carter Goodrich (New York, 1961), 15–66; David Nye, America as Second Creation (Cambridge, Mass., 2003), 151–54.
68. Sheriff, Artificial River , 36; Shaw, Erie Water West , 132.
69. Charles Sellers, The Market Revolution (New York, 1991), 43.
70. John Lauritz Larson, Internal Improvement (2001), 73–80. See also Robert G. Albion, The Rise of New York Port (New York, 1939); Edwin G. Burrows and Mike Wallace, Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 (New York, 1999).
72. Charles Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History (Boston, 1923), I, 172–78.
73. See Charles F. Hobson, The Great Chief Justice: John Marshall and the Rule of Law (Lawrence, Kans., 1996), 1–25.
74. G. Edward White, The Marshall Court and Cultural Change (New York, 1988), 158–64; R. Kent Newmyer, Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story (Chapel Hill, 1985).
75. The complicated reasons why the legislative compromise did not resolve this issue are explained in The Papers of John Marshall , vol. 8, ed. Charles F. Hobson (Chapel Hill, 1995), 108–26.
76. Fairfax’s Devisee v. Hunter’s Lessee , 11 U.S. (7 Cranch) 603 (1813); White, Marshall Court , 165–67; Newmyer, Joseph Story , 106–7; F. Thornton Miller, “John Marshall versus Spencer Roane,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 96 (1988):297–314; Jean Edward Smith, John Marshall: Definer of a Nation (New York, 1996), 426–30. By this time the Marshalls had sold the land; those who had bought from them were confirmed in their possession.
77. An extraordinary act, given that Marshall had recused himself from participation in the case, but the handwriting seems conclusive. See White, Marshall Court , 167–73; and the exchange between Charles Hobson and G. Edward White, WMQ 59 (2002):331–38.
78. Martin v. Hunter’s Lessee , 14 U.S. (1 Wheaton) 304 (1816); Warren, Supreme Court , I, 442–53; Newmyer, Joseph Story , 107–11.
79. For a technical legal analysis of the case, see David P. Currie, The Constitution in the Supreme Court: The First Hundred Years (Chicago, 1985), 91–96.
80. Story quoted in Newmyer, Joseph Story , 111.
1. Harvey H. Jackson III, Rivers of History: Life on the Coosa, Tallapoosa, Cahaba, and Alabama (Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1995), 42–43; Daniel Feller, The Public Lands in Jacksonian Politics (Madison, Wisc., 1984), 17.
2. Thomas P. Abernethy, From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee (Chapel Hill, 1932), 272. See also David Heidler and Jeanne Heidler, Old Hickory’s War (Mechanicsburg, Pa., 1996), 128.
3. Thomas P. Abernethy, The South in the New Nation (Baton Rouge, 1961), 465–73; Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States (Washington, 1975), I, 24–37. The population figures do not include tribal Indians.
4. Quoted in Adam Rothman, Slave Country (Cambridge, Mass., 2005), 183.
5. Meinig, Continental America , 242–43; Daniel S. Dupre, Transforming the Cotton Frontier (Baton Rouge, 1997), 86–87; Feller, Public Lands , 10, 16, 20.
6. Daniel Usner Jr., “American Indians on the Cotton Frontier,” JAH 72 (1985): 316; Dupre, Transforming the Cotton Frontier , 43.
7. Feller, Public Lands , 18.
8. Elliott Gorn, “Gouge and Bite, Pull Hair and Scratch,” AHR , 90 (1985): 18–43; D. Clayton James, Antebellum Natchez (Baton Rouge, 1968); quotation from Kenneth Lynn, Mark Twain and Southwestern Humor (Boston, 1960), 27.
9. See Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin (Baltimore, 2003).
10. John Solomon Otto, Southern Frontiers (Westport, Conn., 1989), 84–85; David Danbom, Born in the Country: A History of Rural America (Baltimore, 1995), 74.
11. Douglas Farnie and David Jeremy, eds., The Fiber that Changed the World (Oxford, 2004), 17–18; Leonard Richards, The Advent of American Democracy (Glenview, Ill., 1977), 70.
12. Paul Gates, The Farmer’s Age: Agriculture, 1815–1860 (New York, 1960), 140–41; James K. Paulding (1815), quoted in Robert P. Forbes, “Slavery and the Meaning of America” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1994), 23.
13. Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves (Madison, Wisc., 1989), 31–41, 70–82; Daniel Johnson and Rex Campbell, Black Migration in America (Durham, N.C., 1981), 22–32; Allan Kulikoff, The Agrarian Origins of American Capitalism (Charlottesville, Va., 1992), 242. See further Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, Mass. 1999).
14. Malcolm Rohrbough, The Trans-Appalachian Frontier (New York, 1978), 199.