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Authors: Joseph P. Farrell,Scott D. de Hart

Grid of the Gods (4 page)

3) The most telltale sign, I believe, of the activities and orientations of these two post-war elites arises in connection with ancient monetary policy and financial structures. If the goal was to jump start civilization as quickly as possible, not only was commerce necessary, and therewith an accurate and reproducible system of geodetically-based weights and measures, but a medium of exchange was also necessary to facilitate it. Here as in modern times, two philosophies of money arose, each backed by their respective elite:

a) Money was a receipt on the surplus goods and services, that is to say, on the gross domestic product, of the state
itself, and thus was issued by the state debt-free as an instrument of exchange. In my opinion, this activity and philosophy represented the policies of the “good” elite, seeking to democratize the benefits of civilization as widely and quickly as possible. It is a policy mirror in some cases — as we shall see — by a peculiar attitude of some of the “gods” to the idea of sacrifice;

b) Money was monetized debt, i.e., an instrument of exchange
loaned
into circulation at interest by private monopolies, thus creating a closed economic system where there is never enough “money” in circulation to pay the interest on the principle. This creates scarcity, and led to the most useful tool of social engineering and private profiteering: war. In my opinion, this financial policy and activity reflects the interests and agenda of the “bad” elite,
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for as will also be seen, the notion of blood sacrifices and debt are also deeply entangled.

In my opinion, it is against this wider context that the grid-building activity should be viewed.

 

C. The Chronological Context and Layers

 

But there is another context in which it must be viewed, and that has already been implied: the chronological one.

If one examines the various megalithic and pyramidal sites across the globe, one is immediately struck by a curious fact: the more
ancient
the structure — such as the Great Pyramid, or the remains at Lake Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu in Bolivia — the more highly engineered, and the more obvious a product of a sophisticated engineering technology, it is. As one moves forward in history closer to present times, the less skilful these structures become. Thus, situating these structures within time and cultures is very difficult, because this phenomenon raises difficult questions for standard academic theories and histories: did the ancient Egyptians
really
build the Great Pyramid? And did they
really
achieve its near perfect alignments and optical precision using ramps, logs, scaffolds, pulleys
and thousands of slaves? Did the ancient Incas
really
build the remains in Latin America attributed to them, walls with gigantic granite rocks with irregular cuts placed so precisely, and without mortar, that a sheet of paper cannot be slipped into the joints? (And again, did they do this with ropes, logs, pulleys, and copper saws?) Did the Olmecs and Mayans
really
have a role in the construction of Teotihuacan in Mexico? We are fairly certain they had a role in the construction of places such as Chichen Itza or Tikal, but Teotihuacan? But if it was not them, then who did?

A closer look at these chronological layers is even more revealing of the complexity of these questions, and is, additionally, necessary, for these layers will form the basic organizational model and methodology of this essay, as we push our way back from modern times to increasingly more ancient ones.

For purposes of this book, I distinguish between three broad layers of development:

1) The oldest layer, which I term “megalithic” in a very broad sense, meaning structures and sites and pre-date the rise of the ancient classical civilizations of Egypt, Sumer, the Indus Valley, and so on. Here we are dealing with sites of great antiquity, older than 7,000 BC. For our purposes here, this means that sites such as Pumu Punkhu at Lake Titicaca in Bolivia, some of the megalithic stone circles in Britain, continental Europe, and Egypt, including the Sphinx, temples, and the two great Pyramids of Giza, are understood to be older than the civilizations that eventually came to occupy these sites. The reasons for this view will be advanced in the main text;

2) the classical layer, where structures — such as the other Egyptian pyramids, or the Mayan pyramids of Mesoamerica — are the products of the civilizations themselves; and,

3) a modern era, where sites are situated according to older grid locations, an activity clearly evident in the Middle Ages with
the placement of Christian churches on or near older pagan “sacred sites”.
10

This broad classification is not, of course, a hard and fast rule, for as we shall see, considerable mystery surrounds some of the sites and just who really built them, such as Teotihuacan outside of Mexico City.

D. The Activity of the Elite and the Meaning of the Term “Grid” in this Work

 

One need only glance at these chronological layers and at certain ancient texts — and to take those texts seriously — to see the activity of these elites at work behind the scenes, manipulating social policy and culture at the minimum, and, as we shall discover, attempting to manipulate the physical medium itself by means of their surviving technologies and techniques.

 

The activity may be glimpsed at the following account from the Aztec
Codex Chimalpopoca:

Well, it is told and related that many times during the life of Queztlcoatl,
sorcerers tried to ridicule him into making the human payment, into taking human lives
. But he always refused. He did not consent, because he greatly loved his subjects, who were Toltecs. Snakes, birds, and butterflies that he killed were what his sacrifices always were.

And it is told and related that with this he wore out the sorcerers’ patience. So it was then that they started to ridicule him and make fun of him,
the sorcerers saying they wanted to torment Quetzlcoatl and make him run away.

And it became true. It happened.

....

Then they tell how Quetzlcoatl departed. It was when he refused to obey the sorcerers about making the human payment, about sacrificing humans. Then the sorcerers deliberated among
themselves, they whose names were Tezatlipoca, Ihuimecatl, and Toltecatl. They said, “
He must leave his city. We shall live there.

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Leaving commentary on the relationship between human sacrifice and the physics of the pyramid peoples to the main text, note what we have in this passage:

1) A “god-king,” in this case Quetzlcoatl, who refuses to institute a certain policy demanded by

2) an “elite,” in this case, “sorcerers,” who then determine to

3) depose the king and drive him from the capital, and take possession of it and of the symbols of authority in order to institute its social policy.

In other words, taken at face value, the “god-king” Quetzlcoatl represents the public face of a more hidden elite, and when the policies of the two come into conflict, he must be deposed. Notably, this suggests that Quetzlcoatl represents one elite, the “white” brotherhood, while the “sorcerers” represent the other. Were it just the Aztecs saying such things, one could perhaps summarily dismiss them, save for the fact that one encounters very similar ideas in Egypt at various points in its mythology and history, and in the Mayan legends, and even in a famous mediaeval Christian theologian, as we shall discover in the main text.

A final word is necessary on what the term “grid” means in the pages that now follow, though again, we shall defer detailed commentary on these points to the main text. The “grid,” as we shall eventually discover, embodies at least three distinct types of numerical encoding:

1) A “grid” based on latitude and longitude positions of ancient sites, using as a prime meridian the line running from the north to the south pole through the apex of the Great Pyramid at Giza;

2) Within many if not most of these structure, there is present another “grid” of encoding the numbers of “sacred geometry,” a science that has persisted in the designs of cities and public places down to our own times, as exemplified in the layout of Washington D.C., and other cities;
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and,

3) A final “grid” directly encoding a
physics
that incorporates two distinct aspects:

a) An astronomical-astrological “celestial grid” encoding the physics of the very large, according to the alchemical and hermetic axiom “as above, so below;” and,

b) a much less-well-known encoding, within certain megalithic structures, of the actual coefficients of the constants of quantum mechanics, encoding the physics of the very small.

This book is thus very different than previous books on the world grid system, which tend to focus on only one of these three aspects (and as we shall see, only two of them focused on the last aspect concerning quantum mechanics). This book will attempt to integrate all three forms of the grid and the structures upon them, and where possible, the myths and legends of the cultures surrounding them, in order to argue speculative possibilities on what all this means about the physics of the pyramid peoples and the activities of the elites that created them.

With this in mind, I also mean the term “pyramid peoples” to be taken rather loosely and broadly, for while pyramid building was a major activity of these post-Cosmic War elites, it is not their only building activity, as the inclusion of Pumu Punkhu and other sites mentioned in this study would suggest. The term simply designates the building activities of all those peoples associated with these sites, activity that including pyramid building to be sure, but also the construction of numerous Stonehenge-like structures and other megalithic constructions.

A final word is necessary. This book is to be understood as yet another essay standing in the series of books that began in
The Cosmic War: Interplanetary Warfare, Modern Physics, and Ancient Texts¸
continuing through
The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter, Babylon’s Banksters: the Alchemy of High Finance, Deep Physics, and Ancient Religions
, and
Genes, Giants, Monsters and Men: The Surviving Elites of the Cosmic War and Their Hidden Agendas.

Like all my books on ancient topics, this is a highly speculative work, though I do my best to argue the case put forward here, namely, that when one considers the three various kinds of encodings taking place in these structures, a complex and very advanced physics comes into view, and with it, the likelihood that one is dealing with the elites that were legacies of a Very High and “paleoancient” Civilization. Nonetheless, it remains a speculative case.

Joseph P. Farrell
2011

 

Notes

1
Michael A. Hoffmann II,
Secret Societies and Psychological Warfare
(Coeur D'Alene, Idaho: Independent History and Research, 2001), p. 21.

2
See my
The Giza Death Star Destroyed
(Adventures Unlimited Press, 2005), pp. 222-245, and my
The Philosophers' Stone
(Feral House, 2009), pp. 42-48.

3
See my
Genes, Giants, Monsters, and Men
(Feral House, 2011), ch. 3.

4
These ideas constitute some of the major themes of my books
The Giza Death Star Destroyed
and
Babylon's Banksters.

5
See my
Babylon's Banksters: The Alchemy of Deep Physics, High Finance, and Ancient Religion
(Port Townsend, Washington: Feral House, 2010), chapter 1.

6
See my
Genes, Giants, Monsters, and Men: The Surviving Elites of the Cosmic War and Their Hidden Agendas
(Port Townsend, Washington: Feral House, 2011), chapter 2.

7
See my
Genes, Giants, Monsters, and Men
, (Feral House, 2011), chapter 3.

8
See my interview on The Byte Show: "The Philosophers' Stone and the Magic of Social Engineering, Part 4."
www.thebyteshow.com
.

9
See my
Babylon's Banksters
, pp. 187-207.

10
This tripartite classification of basic chronological periods of building activity in ancient times is that of Alan Alford. See my
The Giza Death Star Deployed
(Adventures Unlimited Press, 2003), pp. 25-36.

11
John Bierhorst, trans. and ed.,
History and Mythology of the Aztecs: The Codex Chimalpopoca
(Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press, 1992), p. 31, emphasis added.

12
While this book will not go into any detailed discussion of the modern principles of this alchemical geomancy and architecture, particularly in the case of Washington, D.C., it is worth noting that there have been studies of these subjects, most notably David Ovason's
The Secret Architecture of Our Nation's Capital
(Perennial Books, 2000).

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