Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (179 page)

28
D. Scott, 'Christian Responses to Buddhism in Pre-medieval Times',
Numen
, 32 (1985), 88-100, esp. 92, 94, 96. For a translation of the texts and a different emphasis on their interpretation, see M. Palmer,
The Jesus Sutras: Rediscovering the Lost Scrolls of Taoist Christianity
(New York, 2001).

29
C. Humphrey and A. Hurelbaatar, 'Regret as a Political Intervention: An Essay in the Historical Anthropology of the Early Mongols',
PP
, 186 (February 2005), 3-46, at 9.

30
Baumer, 195-9; note the cross illustrated at ibid., 196.

31
Humphrey and Hurelbaatar, 'Regret as a Political Intervention', 9n.

32
P. G. Borbone, 'Syroturcica 1. The Ongguds and the Syriac Language', in G. Kiraz (ed.),
Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian Brock
(Piscataway, 2008), n. 13. I am most grateful to Professor Borbone for providing me with an advance copy of this paper. See also Baumer, 199-211.

33
I am indebted to Martin Palmer for our discussions on these possibilities. For a cautious assessment of the evidence, see Baumer, 220, and see Matteo Ricci's account in 1605 of the near-disappearance - but only near-disappearance - of previous Christian activity: Koschorke et al. (eds.), 6-7.

34
Jenkins, 122.

35
Baumer, 223-7.

36
P. Jackson with D. Morgan (eds.),
The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck: His Journey to the Court of Great Khan Mongke, 1253-1255
(Hakluyt Society, 2nd ser. 173, 1990).

37
Baumer, 205.

38
Jackson with Morgan (eds.),
The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck
, 239 [Ch. 34.7].

39
The authoritative account of these events is now P. Jackson,
The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410
(Harlow, 2005), 113-28.

40
For caution in seeing Timur as particularly hostile to Christianity, see ibid., 246-7.

41
S. P. Cowe, 'The Armenians in the Era of the Crusades 1050-1350', in Angold (ed.), 404-29, at 424-9; Chadwick, 272-3.

42
Jackson with Morgan (eds.),
The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck
, 208, and see ibid., 117 n. 4.

43
Baumer, 119, 164-8, 209, 230-33.

44
Sundkler and Steed, 28-30.

45
Jenkins, 109.

46
Ibid., 98-9.

47
Crone and Cook,
Hagarism
, 114. See also F. Micheau, 'Eastern Christianities (Eleventh to Fourteenth Century): Copts, Melkites, Nestorians and Jacobites', in Angold (ed.), 373-403,at 376, 384-6, 398.

48
Hastings, 65-7. On the Council of Ferrara-Florence, see pp. 492-3.

49
A. Hessayon, 'Og, King of Bashan, Enoch and the Books of Enoch: Extra-canonical Texts and Interpretations of Genesis 6.1-4', in A. Hessayon and N. Keene (eds.),
Scripture and Scholarship in Early Modern England
(Aldershot, 2006), at 20-21. See also p. 68.

50
A. Wroe,
Pilate: The Biography of an Invented Man
(London, 1999), 3-6, 309-12, 341, 363 - 5.

51
For scepticism about the foundational character of the Jerusalem associations of Lalibela, see S. Munro-Hay,
Ethiopia, the Unknown Land: A Cultural and Historical Guide
(London, 2002), 190-91.

52
Hastings, 21-2.

53
Munro-Hay,
Ethiopia, the Unknown Land
, 24.

54
S. Munro-Hay,
The Quest for the Ark of the Covenant: The True History of the Tablets of Moses
(London, 2006), 82-7, although he is sceptical about the general opinion that the work is intended to boost the credentials of the Solomonic dynasty.

55
Munro-Hay,
Ethiopia, the Unknown Land
, 58.

56
Hastings, 28.

57
K. Ward, 'Africa', in Hastings (ed.), 192-237, at 200.

58
Hastings, 31. Munro-Hay is sceptical about their exact age: Munro-Hay,
Ethiopia, the Unknown Land
, 191.

59
Hastings, 34-45, provides a fine account of the reign of Zar'a Ya'qob.

60
Munro-Hay,
Ethiopia, the Unknown Land
, 54 and Pl. 1.

61
Jackson with Morgan (eds.),
The Mission of Friar William of Rubruck
, 122 [Ch. 17.2], and see also ibid., 5-6.

62
B. Wagner (ed.),
Die
Epistola presbiteri Johannis
lateinisch und deutsch: Uberlieferung, Textgeschichte, Rezeption under Ubertragungen im Mittelalter
(Tubingen, 2000), esp. 14, 20-25, 132-49.

PART IV: THE UNPREDICTABLE RISE OF ROME (300-1300)

9: The Making of Latin Christianity (300-500)

1
Further discussion of the word 'Catholic' in MacCulloch, xix-xx.

2
Goodman, 550-52. On the basilican plan for churches, see pp. 197-9.

3
M. Webb,
The Churches and Catacombs of Early Christian Rome: A Comprehensive Guide
(Brighton and Portland, 2001), 240-45.

4
J. R. Curran,
Pagan City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fourth Century
(Oxford, 2000), 105-9. Recent excavations have revealed the footings of a substantial apse possibly of Constantinian date around St Paul's shrine at San Paolo fuori le Mura, but the extent of the building is uncertain.

5
On the function of St Peter's and the probable phases of construction, see R. R. Holloway,
Constantine and Rome
(New Haven and London, 2004), 79-82.

6
J. Curran, 'Jerome and the Sham Christians of Rome',
JEH
, 48 (1997), 213-29,at 217.

7
S. Lunn-Rockliffe, 'Ambrose's Imperial Funeral Sermons',
JEH
, 59 (2008), 191-207, at 195n.

8
Doig, 41-2; see p. 160.

9
C. Morris,
The Sepulchre of Christ and the Medieval West from the Beginning to 1600
(Oxford, 2005), 31-8.

10
Holloway,
Constantine and Rome
, 73-6; Doig, 42-4.

11
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 71, 142-3.

12
Curran,
Pagan City and Christian Capital
, 148-57.

13
H. Inglebert,
Les Romains chretiens face a l'histoire de Rome: Histoire, christianisme et romanites en Occident dans l'Antiquite tardive (IIIe-Ve siecles)
(Paris, 1996), 197-9.

14
Optatus, Bishop of Mileu or Milevis: Chadwick, 31.

15
Jerome,
Epistolae
XLV.3, qu. R. J. Goodrich, '
Vir maxime Catholicus
: Sulpicius Severus' Use and Abuse of Jerome in the
Dialogi
',
JEH
, 58 (2007), 189-210, at 190. For Jerome's ministry in Rome and its abrupt termination, see Curran, 'Jerome and the Sham Christians of Rome'.

16
Jerome, Preface to Job, qu. M. H. Williams,
The Monk and the Book: Jerome and the Making of Christian Scholarship
(Chicago and London, 2006), 167.

17
Ibid., esp. 1-5, 131, 167-9, 200. On Gerasimos, Dalrymple, 296-7.

18
M. R. Salzman,
The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire
(Cambridge, MA, 2002), 208.

19
R. Finn,
Almsgiving in the Later Roman Empire: Christian Promotion and Practice 313-450
(Oxford, 2006), esp. 165-6, 184-8.

20
E. Bourne, 'The Messianic Prophecy in Vergil's Fourth Eclogue',
Classical Journal
, II (1916), 390-400.

21
S. McGill,
Virgil Recomposed: The Mythological and Secular Centos in Antiquity
(Oxford, 2005), XV, 155 n. 17, 162 n. 3.

22
Cf., e.g.,
New English Hymnal
, 613; excerpts from 'Da puer plectrum, choreis ut canam fidelibus',
Cathemerinon
IX: H. J. Thomson (ed.),
Prudentius with an English Translation
(2 vols., Loeb edn, London and Cambridge, MA, 1949), I, 76 [ll. 10ff., etc.].

23
Ibid., II, 10-14; I, 154-5 [
Contra orationem Symmachi II
, 62-4;
Apotheosis
, ll. 449-54; slightly altered].

24
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 120.

25
Ibid., 132-4.

26
Ibid., 135-9.

27
Lunn-Rockliffe, 'Ambrose's Imperial Funeral Sermons', esp. at 205.

28
For a crisp and fairly minimalist summary of Augustine's knowledge of Greek, see G. Bonner,
Saint Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies
(2nd edn, Norwich, 1963), 394 - 5.

29
R. S. Pine-Coffin (ed.),
Saint Augustine: Confessions
(London, 1961), 72 [IV.2].

30
Ibid., 131 [VII.15]; see comment in P. Brown,
Augustine of Hippo: A Biography
(London, 1969), 62-3, 88-90.

31
Pine-Coffin (ed.),
Saint Augustine: Confessions
, 177-8 [VIII.12].

32
Ibid., 178-9 [VIII.12].

33
Ibid., 167-8 [VIII.6].

34
It is worth pondering the opinion of Bonner,
Saint Augustine of Hippo
, 3, contemplating the selfish intellectual Augustine revealed in the
Confessions
: 'It could fairly be maintained that whatever in Augustine's character may be called sanctity was the result of his enforced ordination.'

35
Augustine,
Enarratio in Psalmum
57, 15, qu. Chadwick, 31.

36
The traditional picture of Donatist 'circumcellion' fanaticism and violence is likely to be largely a literary construction of the victorious Catholics: see B. D. Shaw, 'Who Were the Circumcellions?', in A. H. Merrills (ed.),
Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa
(Aldershot, 2004), 227-57.

37
Luke 14.23: Augustine to Bishop Vincentius, qu. Stevenson (ed., 1989), 220-22.

38
H. Bettenson and D. Knowles (eds.),
Augustine: Concerning the City of God against the Pagans
(London, 1967), 440 [XI.9], and 479-80 [XII.7].

39
For one careful Christian critique of Augustine, see J. Hick,
Evil and the God of Love
(2nd edn, London, 1977), 38-89, esp. at 53-8.

40
Bettenson and Knowles (eds.),
Augustine
, 593 [XIV.28].

41
Quotation ibid., 596 [XV.1]. For such identifications, see ibid., 335, 524, 920 [VIII.24; XIII.16; XX.11].

42
There has been much discussion of Pelagius's origins, but Augustine himself calls him 'Brittonem': Frend, 694 n. 161.

43
See the useful discussion of the context in Curran, 'Jerome and the Sham Christians of Rome'.

44
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 232-3.

45
S. Thier,
Kirche bei Pelagius
(
Patristische Texte und Studien
, 50, Berlin and New York, 1999), 322.

46
Compare the thinking of another opponent of Augustine in a later age, Desiderius Erasmus: see pp. 600-601.

47
A point made by Bonner,
Saint Augustine of Hippo
, 4.

48
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 236.

49
Ibid., 238-9. Bonner,
Saint Augustine of Hippo
, 378, points to the catalogue of such phrases in O. Rottmanner,
Der Augustinismus. Eine dogmengeschichtliche Studie
(Munich, 1892), 8.

50
Bonner,
Saint Augustine of Hippo
, 392.

51
On Julian and Augustine, see Brown,
Augustine of Hippo
, 381-97.

52
Bettenson and Knowles (eds.),
Augustine
, 304-15 [VIII.5-15]; quotation at 313 [VIII.10].

53
Salzman,
The Making of a Christian Aristocracy
, 211-13.

54
Bettenson and Knowles (eds.),
Augustine
, 1033-48 [XXII.8-10]; for a fine treatment of this theme, see P. Brown,
The Cult of the Saints
(Chicago, 1981), esp. 55-64.

55
J. Lossl, 'Augustine in Byzantium',
JEH
, 51 (2000), 267-95, at 270-71; on Augustine's ignorance of the Council of Constantinople, Chadwick, 27.

56
J. Burnaby (ed.),
Augustine: Later Works
(
Library of Christian Classics VIII
, 1955), 71, 88 [
De Trinitate
IX.18; X.18].

57
Ibid., 85 [
De Trinitate
X.13].

58
Ibid., 157 [
De Trinitate
XV.27].

59
L.-J. Bord,
Histoire de l'abbaye Saint-Martin de Liguge 361-2001
(Paris, 2005), Ch. 2, argues persuasively that Liguge was from its beginnings monastic in character and not simply a hermitage for Martin.

60
F. R. Hoare (ed.),
The Western Fathers: Being the Lives of SS. Martin of Tours, Ambrose, Augustine of Hippo, Honoratus of Arles and Germanus of Auxerre
(London, 1954), 27 [Sulpicius Severus,
Vita Martini
, 13]. For comment on the contemporary controversy around Sulpicius, see Goodrich, '
Vir maxime Catholicus
', 191-3. Martin's first monastic settlement at Liguge may have been accompanied by the first of his destructions of a cultic building on the site: see Bord,
Histoire de l'abbaye Saint-Martin de Liguge
, 23-9, 38-9.

61
Ibid., 44, 49-51.

62
I. Backus,
Life Writing in Reformation Europe: Lives of Reformers by Friends, Disciples and Foes
(Aldershot, 2008), 17-18.

63
The account of Ninian in Bede, about which we must be cautious since it was written around three centuries later and probably reflects Bede's particular religious agenda, is L. Sherley-Price and R. E. Latham (eds.),
Bede: A History of the English Church and People
(rev. edn, London, 1968), 146 [III.4]. Other sources, equally late and unhistorical, are presented alongside valuable discussion in J. and W. MacQueen (eds.),
St Nynia: With a Translation of the
Miracula Nynie episcopi
and the
Vita Niniani (Edinburgh, 1990).