Tom Barry (39 page)

‘I'll take you on because, by hell, you won't!'

Inside the compound, which wasn't yet fully organised, officers and soldiers were busy taking in prisoners. Soon Barry noticed workmen putting up some posts and barbed wire on a fence. He walked across the enclosure, pretended he was doing some fixing, and took up a plank on his shoulder. Nobody noticed. He looked like one of the workmen. Shortly he went to the ‘blind' side. ‘It was a chance to be taken in a flash, and Barry in such cases is lightning.'
[38]

(It was almost 40 years later when he collected the bet – at a protest meeting in Cork city concerning the sale and division of the De Vesci Estate. The once ‘enemy' officer and Barry chatted freely on that day, united in the cause of the small farmer. Barry laughed when he recalled the event. That day he showed Brendan O'Neill the ten-shilling note – collected without interest.)
[39]

Tom Barry was free – lucky to be free!

He was lucky because on 7 December 1922. Dáil Deputy Seán Hales was shot dead in Dublin and his companion Pádraic Ó Maille was seriously wounded. Acting ruthlessly and swiftly the Free State government decided to execute four prisoners, one from each province – four important Republican men who had been in prison since the surrender of the Four Courts.

Dick Barrett, of Barry's flying column, was the man chosen for Munster. (Dick, a teacher, had been imprisoned on Spike Island in 1921 and with Tom Crofts and Bill Quirke had escaped in a row boat.). Ernest Blythe, the then minister for local government, told me that if Tom Barry had still been in jail he would have been the man executed for Munster. Blythe had no hesitation in saying they would have been glad ‘to get' Barry.
[40]

It is ironic that Seán Hales, Tom Barry and Dick Barrett, who had often slept in ‘the big bed' together in O'Mahony's of Belrose while ‘on the run' during the War of Independence, had their lives balanced against each other.

Notes

As the fight in Dublin, which marked the beginning of the Civil War, continued, many uncaptured Republicans retreated to the south hoping to defend a line from Waterford to Limerick. They were as yet reluctant to take offensive action against their own ‘brothers' in the army of the Provisional Government. However, the war was on and Provisional Government forces (pro-Treatyites) advanced towards the south. Since the opening of recruitment they outnumbered the anti-Treatyites and had the additional advantage of British supplied armoured cars and artillery.

In a series of attacks Provisional Government forces took Waterford and Limerick. Because of sea-borne landing attacks, the anti-Treatyites had to evacuate Cork city on 11 August. That same day Liam Lynch evacuated and burned Fermoy Barracks. The anti-Treaty forces (later known as Republicans) were forced to take to the hills once more, but this time it was different. A large proportion of the people who had been sympathetic to the IRA during the war against the British was now hostile.

It was early September and Tom Barry, having escaped from Gormanstown Camp, made his way as quickly and as secretly as possible across the fields. Although he was very tired and twilight had set in he kept going until darkness fell, as he was afraid to approach any house in case he would end up in ‘the wrong hands'. He found a comfortable corner of a field, settled down for the night on a grassy patch and fell into a deep sleep.

When he awoke in the morning he discovered there was a river – he never found out the name of it – flowing somewhere nearby. He made his way towards the river where he found a boat moored. Seeing a cottage in the far distance and feeling that the inhabitants might be friendly, he untied the boat and used the oars to paddle across to the other bank.

As he moved across the fields and drew near to the cottage he noticed smoke rising from the chimney into the early morning air. ‘They're poor people,' he thought to himself. ‘They can't be too bad.'

He went in the unlocked door. The woman of the house told him her husband had gone to work. When he told her he had been out all night and was hungry she gave him tea. As they talked he discovered that they hadn't ever got involved in the movement; she knew about the Civil War, but didn't know which side was winning or which side was right. Sure that he was on safe ground he told her that he had escaped from the prison camp. She knew somebody who was in the Republican movement – on De Valera's side, she said – and directed him to that house. From there he was directed to a group who were attached to an IRA fighting section, and they helped him on towards Cork.
[1]

In Lorrha, Co. Tipperary, he collected ‘a Thompson machine-gun, the only one we had and brought it on to Cork with him'.
[2]
With a hand-held sub-machine-gun he could travel almost as a one-man army. He made his way across country to West Cork, having acquired names of ‘sympathetic' houses along the way where he could expect food and rest. Eventually he reached the Woods' home, situated between Crookstown and Newcestown, north of Bandon, where the Republican press section had set up their printing equipment. Under the direction of Erskine Childers, aided by Robert Langford and Seán Hyde, they turned out anti-Treaty propaganda with single-minded zeal.

Tom was brought up-to-date on developments. He and Liam Deasy decided to get the men fully into action. After they drew up a plan, with dispatch messages prepared for different companies, Tom and Liam moved further west, where they met Pat Buttimer.

‘Word reached me to meet them in Kealkil. I didn't question how they came, but they told me they had important documents.' Buttimer, who knew the area well, guided them for over four miles cross-country, avoiding the main roads. ‘The Free State army was scattered everywhere'. When the two men reached Buttimer's home place they wouldn't come in ‘not even for a cup of tea – it was too dangerous'.
[3]

Documents later captured by pro-Treaty (government) troops outlined the ideal column which ‘was to consist of 35 men, including engineers, signallers and machine-gunners, sub-divided into squads of five men and a leader, who would keep in close contact, and the war was to be carried on by all the methods used against the British. The difficulty and importance of communications was stressed in these documents.'
[4]
The captured documents had apparently been drawn up by Barry and Deasy, although it is uncertain if these were the same documents they had on this occasion.

Outside Dunmanway, Deasy and Barry met others of the Dunmanway Company, and Barry went to work right away. ‘Once he was back it made a terrible difference,' Dan Cahalane recalls. ‘He was a superb commander. The column was stronger now during this period than at any time during the Tan War. If that man had enough arms and ammunition for his men nothing would stop him.'
[5]

It was agreed that he should take over a brigade column ‘whose principal objectives will be the development of town attacks' using up to 200 men.
[6]

On 26 September, a pro-Treaty officer reported that there are ‘rumours today of Dunmanway being taken and that Tommie Barry is leading his men on towards Clon. Buckshot [Seán Hales] said they [government forces] would be safe here except that Barry came along'. This report tells of prisoners taken out by government forces to remove trees off the Dunmanway road, some tried to escape and were fired on, one was shot dead.
[7]

De Valera, who had never much heart for the fight, was anxious for more cohesion between the military and political leaders. He urged abandonment of the military struggle, but found Liam Lynch unco-operative.

A blow to the morale of the Republican forces came in October when the Catholic hierarchy condemned the IRA Volunteers for resisting and withdrew the right of the sacraments. Tom Barry and his men were once again censured for their actions. ‘That really didn't bother me. During my lifetime I was excommunicated five times'.
[8]

Through intermediaries, Major General Emmet Dalton, pro-Treaty, sent proposals to Deasy and Barry suggesting an unconditional surrender. Upon discovering that this would be unacceptable to Republican forces, Dalton dropped out and Tom Ennis, who had been acting with him, took over negotiations. Tom Ennis and Charlie Russell met Liam Deasy and Tom Barry near Crookstown on 13 October 1922. ‘The proposals put forward by the Free State officers were reported to the executive meeting at Ballybacon three days later, but they were not of such a nature as to merit any serious consideration, and they achieved nothing.'
[9]

Despite considerable risk, Tom Barry was among the 16-man army executive who attended a meeting on 28 October, presided over by Liam Lynch. The members pledged ‘an allegiance … in reasserting our ancient right to be a free people and a free nation, owing allegiance to no foreign authority'.
[10]
Afterwards Liam Lynch wrote to all divisions on the views of the executive.
[11]
At this meeting Barry was appointed operations officer in the southern division. Later Lynch appointed him as director of operations, in charge of all anti-Treaty divisional O/Cs. In this role Lynch recognised him as
ipso facto
, deputy chief-of-staff. By early November with the aid of several districts officers in the southern division he had organised a massive 580 riflemen where they ‘rung in' Cork city, held all roads to Macroom, Bandon, Kinsale, Cobh. In this forceful operation Barry's strategic plan secured many Cork towns for the Republicans.
[12]

He got some men together, sprung on Bandon and took it. The West Cork twin-towns of Ballineen and Enniskeane were in the hands of the pro-Treaty forces, so Barry decided to capture them. Bill Powell, First Brigade area, received word to go to Kenneigh where Barry was mobilising a column to take Ballineen and Enniskeane.

‘I arrived on the morning of 4 November at 4 o'clock. Barry told me to pick out seven men. “Go down and take Ballineen,” he said. Then he turned to Spud Murphy, “Get seven more and go down and give Bill a hand!''' So he put the men into sections, detailed them and rehearsed tactics. On command they fell into formation and advanced on Ballineen moving towards the barracks. Barry had hoped to get the armoured car, which was in the barracks, but just as the attack began, instead of using it, a soldier drove it out the road in the opposite direction.

It was a hard fight, but shortly the pro-Treaty soldiers ran out across the road and jumped over a wall. Barry and his men entered the barracks and continued to fire. They tunnelled through the houses, making their way toward the end of the town. Eventually the soldiers put up their hands in surrender. Barry and his men had captured Ballineen.

‘What could we do with these prisoners? We couldn't hold them, as we had no place to put them, so all we could do, was relieve them of their arms and let them go. It was a ridiculous situation,' said Bill Powell.

Barry and his men then entered Enniskeane, fought and captured it. Both towns were now in Republican hands.
[13]

By now Republicans were acutely aware of their inability to beat the superior opposition, but they could conduct guerrilla activities indefinitely. So circumstances reached stalemate for the government.

Under the Emergency Powers, unauthorised possession of a fire arm was now punishable by death, as it had been in the martial law areas under the British. Erskine Childers, who had produced the last issue of his not very impartial paper in the Coole mountain district between Dunmanway and Macroom, went to the Wicklow area where he was arrested on 10 November. Found in the possession of a small revolver given to him as a gesture of friendship by Michael Collins, he was tried by court-martial and executed by a firing squad.

On 16 November ‘a meeting of the executive of the IRA was held'. Ten of the 12 members available were present, including Tom Barry. A decision was taken ‘to proclaim a Provisional Republican government in consultation with the Republican members of Dáil Éireann' with all departments as ‘before July 1921'. The report stated that ‘the Republic is now in direct communication with Gr. Britain, and USA and has several representatives overseas'. They discussed the military situation in detail, and concluded that there should be ‘more effective co-operation between the different areas' as it was ‘anticipated that big results' would follow ‘from future co-ordination of activities'. Liam Lynch in his follow-up report stated: ‘It is now clear that there is to be no compromise of the Republic on our side and this must urge us to further perfect our organisation and to exercise redoubled energy and effort in prosecution of the war.'
[14]

The day after Childers was shot (17 November), Barry moved with his column towards Glengariff and after a swift attack took the town.

The possession of an armoured car would, Barry felt, be a great asset to the Republicans. A feasible chance of getting one presented itself when John (Jock) McPeak, who had been a gunner in the
Slieve na mBan
armoured car used during the Béal na mBláth ambush when Michael Collins was killed, indicated that he wished to desert from the forces of the Provisional Government and join the Republicans.

Barry asked two Cumann na mBan members, Anna Mulqueen and May Twomey, to give McPeak ‘the once over'. They were instructed that one of the conditions of his acceptance would be to bring with him the
Slieve na mBan
armoured car stationed in the Devonshire Arms barracks in Bandon. On 2 December Billy Barry, dressed in ‘a Free State uniform', and John McPeak stole the armoured car and drove it from the barracks out on the Laragh road towards Tinkers Cross.
[15]

At Crookstown Mrs Galvin insisted in getting into the
Slieve na mBan.
When Jimmy Lordan pointed out its' advantages, she exclaimed, ‘God Jimmy, ye'll have the Republic in a week!'

‘Yerra mam, I think we'll give them a month!' Jimmy responded optimistically, with ‘his roguish smile'.
[16]

Equipped with the armoured car, a driver, a gunner and men, Barry marched on Inchageela, put up a strong fight, and took it, securing further ammunition. They went on to Ballyvourney and after a short fight, took the village. Barry led his men on to Ballymakeera where another armoured car was secured. It was then on to Kealkil where a hard fight led to success. ‘He was fighting fit and slept little', Bill Powell recalled, and remembers him as ‘a brilliant organiser, a brilliant soldier. He was, I would say, one of
the
greatest Irishmen. He thought both militarily and politically'.
[17]
Liam Deasy noted ‘a marked improvement in organisation' in the West Cork Brigade now that Barry was in command.
[18]
Lynch complimented Barry's ‘splendid' operation where 20 ‘troops were able to keep 400 of the enemy engaged in this out of the way, and troublesome country.'
[19]
According to Jerh Cronin he was ‘a man capable of conquering fear. He had the speed and dash that would take him through dangerous places. He'd face a lion.'
[20]

Matters were becoming worse nationally, and often atrocities far more severe that those experienced during the ‘Tan War' were taking place. In Dublin on 8 November for instance, a group of men were parading when machine-gun fire, from government forces, was opened up on them from across the Grand Canal resulting in 20 deaths. Four soldiers, dragged James Spain from a house and shot him five times. The following night anti-Treatyites retaliated by attacking Portobello Barracks and other places. In country areas similar atrocities were being committed. Bitterness and hatred had set in. In Kerry some of the most vicious attacks were committed against prisoners during the Civil War period.
[21]

On 30 November Liam Lynch issued an order, which the government captured, stating that all members of the government or members of the Dáil who had voted for the emergency powers were to be shot on sight. Following this, Dáil Deputy Seán Hales, though absent from the Dáil during the vote on the emergency powers bill, was shot in Dublin on 7 December. Controversy has surrounded his death, and there are those who have stated that the fatal bullet was meant for his travelling companion Deputy Pádraic Ó Maille. But in later years Bill O'Donoghue saw Tom Barry extremely angry one night saying, ‘I'd like to know who issued the order for the murder of Seán Hales'.
[22]