Authors: Steve Lewis
The fallout from Harry Dunkley's reporting ricocheted around the world.
Powerful men who had thought themselves immune to prosecution began to tremble.
Daily, the journalist revealed the names of the mandarins in the Five Eyes intelligence community who'd been conspiring against their own governments.
In London, the head of MI6 was hauled before the Intelligence and Security Committee of Parliament to answer claims that he had been acting without proper authority.
The Director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service was arrested and charged with breaching the nation's Official Secrets Act.
Across the Tasman, New Zealand's chief spy was stripped of his office after he was found to have acted against the national interest.
But the biggest scalp was in Washington, where the vice president was hauled before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. In front of a packed congressional hearing televised live, Morgan McDonald delivered a tour de force, railing against the liberal media and its âendless undermining of the state's ability to protect itself'.
In a moment played and replayed on American primetime, the flint-hard career politician was captured slamming his fist into the table as he hollered his defiance.
âI am a patriot. At all times I have worked in the best interests of this nation and within its laws. This hearing is an insult to me and the men and women who stand the watch.'
Big Mac's strident defence divided America's media. The right-wing cheer squad at Fox News swung in behind him, arguing that he had no case to answer. But the liberals at CNBC and the
New York Times
demanded the appointment of a special prosecutor.
The president wasn't immune either. Appearing at a county fair, Mikaela Asta was peppered with questions about her deputy.
âI have every confidence in Big Mac,' Asta told reporters, quickly adding: âAt this time.'
The next day the
Detroit News
splashed with a sensational headline.
FBI PROBES VP LINKS TO JACKSON ASSASSINATION
A shaky iPhone recording from a local meeting of the National Rifle Association had been anonymously sent to the paper. It showed a member boasting that he had shot Earle Jackson, because he was âa coward who betrayed the nation'.
A crack investigative team had spent a month examining every element of the claim.
They'd identified the speaker as Leroy Porter, a former Navy Seal sniper who'd served with distinction in Iraq and was credited with the longest range confirmed kill in Afghanistan.
The reporters found Porter had access to sophisticated weaponry and had developed a serious drug and alcohol dependency. He'd agreed to an interview and not denied the claims in front of two reporters.
âI was following orders,' he explained.
They'd initially thought him delusional and handed over the material to the FBI, which had already linked Porter to the vice president's chief of staff.
The agency requested that the paper hold off publication until it was ready to move.
That afternoon America recorded another iconic moment in its colourful and chequered history: the vision of a vice president being led from the White House in handcuffs.
Morgan McDonald was charged with being an accessory in the assassination of a president, a crime that carried the death penalty. He was also charged with helping to orchestrate a drone strike on the White House and with fabricating reports of an attack on a US military satellite. Every network saturated the airwaves with coverage of Big Mac's demise and every talking
head agreed: the disgraced vice president could not have acted alone. Other heads would roll.
While the West shook, the East trembled as the rise of the communist power was checked.
Meng Tao's humiliating defeat in the South China Sea had shattered public confidence in his leadership and sparked a series of tremors.
Dissidents hacked into a cable television network and broadcast images of tortured prisoners and anti-government slogans. Fifty thousand people took to the streets of Beijing to protest against the relocation of a chemical plant in the biggest demonstration in a decade. And China's economy stumbled, with nervous investors wiping one-third off the Shanghai Stock Exchange in a week.
As his popularity plummeted, the president resorted to the time-honoured tricks of panicked despots.
The prosecution of Jiang Xiu was broadcast live. The former propaganda minister had been charged with a litany of crimes and blamed for every one of China's recent setbacks. Numerous senior officials were accused of being part of the âJiang Gang' and arrests mounted across the Middle Kingdom. Meng released an official statement saying, âI am saddened at the betrayal of the People's Republic by a man I once considered a friend.' Another high-profile prisoner was Yu Heng, the now disgraced ex-commander of the
Liaoning.
As a desperate president used repression to cling to power, Western scholars speculated that Meng was facing a revolt from within the ranks of the People's Liberation Army.
One made a chilling prediction: âThe next uprising in Tiananmen Square won't just involve students and it won't be quashed by the military.'
It had taken one hundred and twenty-four years, but the Labor Party finally had what it had always craved. A martyr.
On a crisp autumn morning, the comrades gathered to pay homage to one of the toughest individuals ever to sit in federal parliament. In death, Catriona Bailey had achieved what she'd never managed as leader: she had united the party's many factions.
Sydney Town Hall was bedecked with images of the former prime minister as the ALP prepared to do what it does best: honour its fallen.
George Street was cordoned off as large crowds formed ahead of the ceremony. Bob Hawke, a little stooped but with his silver mane still glistening, was received like a hero, and the applause rang louder when Paul Keating walked into the historic building.
A few minutes later Martin Toohey arrived to a polite, but noticeably less than enthusiastic, reception.
In a rare display of bipartisanship, the Liberal prime minister received a rousing welcome. Elizabeth Scott had been lionised for her heroism â and her poll numbers had soared.
Just minutes before the service began, Brendan Ryan arrived in a COMCAR to find his path blocked by a wall of media.
His resignation from the seat of Batman, which he'd narrowly won just a few months earlier, had shocked pundits. Ryan had rehearsed his lines well.
âWhat happened to Catriona vividly demonstrates that politics exacts a heavy toll and life is short,' he said solemnly. âI want to spend more time with my beautiful wife and young child.'
The cemetery on the edge of town was near empty. Rows of neat headstones stood under a blazing sky while the nearby Barrier Highway rumbled as a B-double rig departed Broken Hill, bound for Adelaide.
She scooped a small handful of dirt from the hard ground as she stood above the pit marking his grave. The preacher had never met her brother, whom she had not seen for twenty years. She had once loved him, but now realised she had never known him.
Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ . . .
She felt sorrow for his death, but anger at the shame he had brought to the family. Most of all she was pleased that her parents were not alive to experience this humiliation.
. . .
the Father of mercies and the God of all comfort, who comforts us in
all our affliction . . .
The preacher nodded to her. She sprinkled a fine coating of red dirt on the coffin.
âRemember, man, that you are dust, and unto dust you will return,' she whispered.
Miriam Dancer wiped the soil from her hands as she walked from his grave. She would leave it unmarked.
The pale grey carpet had witnessed a thousand nights of history and excess. A jumble of red and blue partitions broke up the large office space. Posters of sporting deities and crude cartoon offcuts lined beige walls.
Perched on a swivel chair that was refusing to behave, Harry Dunkley stabbed at a keyboard and looked out across a hundred empty desks. The once proud
Canberra Times
resembled the journalistic killing fields, legions of reporters discarded on the edict of short-sighted Sydney bean counters.
Still, Dunkley couldn't complain. He'd been treated like royalty since his appointment as Special Correspondent, and his daily parade of scoops was being syndicated across the Fairfax stable.
Tonight he'd already punched out an 1800-word feature revealing how Jack Webster had hot-wired his Burra retreat by
siphoning off wads of Defence money to install a secure and direct link to Washington.
He'd also revealed that Burra was connected to a cyber warfare centre at HMAS Harman on Canberra's south-eastern fringe. The high-tech naval intelligence facility â run by a member of Webster's elite Reconnaissance Liaison Branch â had been the source of the recent cyber attacks against the Commonwealth.
One of the few remaining sub-editors was giving Dunkley a hand on a special weekend report that would detail Webster's many other crimes and misdemeanours. Among a long list, the defence chief had staged the Press Club bomb hoax to burnish his leadership credentials.
The journalist was polishing the lead when his phone rang for the umpteenth time that night.
He'd been avoiding most calls as they were mainly requests from one-time press gallery âmates' desperate for a drink and a catch-up.
But it was late and he was still hoping his ex-girlfriend Celia would get back in touch, so he answered.
âHello.'
âHarry? Harry Dunkley?'
The voice was somehow familiar and resonated with authority.
âYeah. Who's this?'
âWe met some years ago, briefly in Washington, then more recently in Canberra, the night of the News Limited Awards. I think you received a commendation.'
Jesus.
Here he was in this lifeless newsroom, the time was half-past dead and Rupert Murdoch was on the line.
âMr Murdoch, hi. Um, sorry about that little misunderstanding at
The Australian
.'
âForget that. We need to talk.'
The convoy glided east along Canberra Avenue, the lead vehicle proudly flying the ensign of the Australian Defence Force. The six vans and cars turned right into HMAS Harman, slowing as they approached the security checkpoint
.
The boom gates rose and they drove to the western perimeter of the complex, pulling up outside a distinctive sharp-edged building plastered with satellite dishes and antennae.
An officer in green service uniform stepped from the lead vehicle, his shoulders displaying the gold-and-red insignia of a lieutenant general. The acting Chief of the Defence Force marched fifteen paces and pressed an intercom buzzer.
The speaker crackled.
âThis is a secure naval facility. You do not have permission to enter.'
âThis is a Defence complex,' the general barked. âI am the ranking officer here, and everywhere else. Open the doors.'
A moment later, the acting CDF entered the building, followed by a dozen federal and military police. After passing through several layers of security, the squad descended two floors, emerging into a spacious high-tech hub. One wall was lined with
screens displaying maps and targets, while half a dozen cyber warriors toiled at their workstations.
One woman sat at a monitor set hard against a large glass partition. Her face was bathed in the blue glow cast from a supercomputer in an adjoining room. She looked up as the police fanned out and the general stepped forward.
âLadies and gentlemen, this operation is being shut down. You are to stop what you are doing and step away from your computers. That is an order.'