The Gospel of John and Christian Origins (28 page)

Study of the sonship and prophet motifs in the Gospel reveals that Jesus is sometimes seen as subordinate to God and sometimes as God’s equal. In an earlier essay I had already argued that the consequent ambiguity was bridged by an angelic Christology,
[45]
suggesting too that the bridge was “probably connected with the more prominent bridge that leads back to the Danielic Son of Man.” I ended by saying that the purpose of the essay was “to inquire into certain possibilities of the new religion [i.e., of Christianity], not to offer a causal explanation of its actual genesis.” After investigating the more prominent bridge, I have felt able to take this extra step.

Conclusion

The title of this chapter is “Human or Divine?” Perhaps, though, the “or” is misleading. I have pointed to three avenues in the Gospel, three different ways of seeing Jesus’ entry into the world, three well-established Jewish traditions that have been exploited to good effect by the evangelist. The first is the prophetic tradition, whereby the prophet sent by God speaks the words of God—never, as Jesus says repeatedly throughout the Gospel, on his own account, but yet bringing him so close to the one who sent him that he can say, “I and the Father are one,” and “he who has seen me has seen the Father.” The second is the wisdom tradition absorbed into the Prologue: the Word was made flesh: God’s divine plan for the world is embodied in the person of Jesus Christ. The third is the Danielic Son of Man tradition, whose use by the fourth evangelist is widely misunderstood, but probably depends on the concept of angelic transformation.

The evangelist’s imaginative exploitation of all these traditions leaves his readers with the impression of a divine Christ, and before concluding his Gospel he reinforces that impression in a climactic scene, one of the most memorable episodes in the whole Bible. The second character in this episode (it is the last of those little dialogues in which Jesus freshly reveals himself) is universally known as “doubting Thomas.” but the scene culminates in Thomas’s fervent profession of faith: “my Lord and my God!” Deliberately placed where it is, as the Gospel is about to end, can one even conceive of a stronger declaration? Maybe not, but it is worth reflecting that what I have called Thomas’s “profession of faith” depended in his case on his seeing Jesus physically present in front of him—as he is reminded: “Have you believed because you have seen me?”

This may prompt us to take a fresh look at some of the other passages in the Gospel in which the sight of God is in question, including the amazing opening, where after the Word has been identified as “the Light that enlightens every man,” it is announced that he was himself an object of contemplation: “we have gazed upon his glory.” But then follows the stern reminder: “no one has ever seen God”—except, of course, those who have gazed upon the Incarnate Word (who, as is asserted in the very first verse, was with God, and was God). So a few privileged people, among whom the writer includes himself (“we”), have actually witnessed God’s theophanic appearance in the form of the Incarnate Word.

All this has somehow to be reconciled with certain of Jesus’ declarations in the Gospel that follows, especially the passage in which an exception is made to the categorical denial that anyone has ever seen God: “Not that anyone has seen the Father
except him who is from God
; he has seen the Father” (6:46). The original denial (1:18) was almost certainly directed primarily against Moses, who was set over in the preceding verse against Jesus Christ. But although the new saying in which the exception is made must be given full value (no one at all except Jesus himself), this idea too had already been challenged in the first edition of the Gospel: “Philip said to him, ‘Lord, show us the Father, and we shall be satisfied.’ Jesus said to him, ‘Have I been with you so long, and yet you do not know me, Philip?
He who has seen me has seen the Father
; how can you say, ‘show us the Father’? Do you not believe that I am in the Father and the Father in me?’ ” (14:8-10). At one point he even says of the Jews (though without naming them) that “they have seen and hated both me and my Father” (15:24).

Earlier Jesus had told them: “if you knew me, you would know my Father also” (8:19). For the Jews to whom he addressed these words this was out of the question, because, as he told them immediately afterwards, “You are from below, I am from above; you are of this world, I am not of this world” (8:23). But the same was not true of Jesus’ disciples: in his prayer to his Father he said of them that “they are not of the world, even as I am not of the world” (17:16). Wondering why Philip’s long acquaintance with Jesus (he was after all one of the five very first disciples) did not bring with it the full knowledge required of him, we might think that Jesus was quite right to rebuke him. Yet this would be to forget the unvarying principle we discussed at length in chapter 3—that there is no full understanding of Jesus’ words until he has risen from the dead.

When this full understanding comes, with the help of the Paraclete, it involves not just a knowledge of Jesus himself, but also of the Father. It will remain true that no one has seen the Father directly except Jesus himself. But indirectly, Philip and all the other disciples (though they are not yet aware of it) have already seen the Father, simply because they have seen Jesus. Indeed all that ever had been or could ever be seen of God had already been revealed in the words and deeds of Jesus (watched by his disciples from the beginning to the end of his public career), now enshrined in the Gospel—although the reader will soon learn that even more could have been told. Not an apocalyptic revelation in the strict sense but still a revealed truth, and one that superseded anything that had gone before.

In the final scene of the Gospel the situation has changed, because Jesus has now risen from the dead. Philip had asked to be shown the Father; Thomas had asked to be shown the print of the nails and expressed a wish to place his hand in Jesus’ side (20:25). When he sees Jesus all his doubts fall away, because sight is now sufficient. Jesus, however, still has something to teach him, and rubs it in: “Put your finger here, and place your hand in my side.” In his response Thomas shows that he has already learned Philip’s lesson: seeing Jesus, he knows that in him he is also seeing the Father, and he bursts out: “My Lord and my God!” Into these few words the evangelist has compressed the essence of all he has come to think about Jesus’ relationship with God. He nowhere uses the term εἰκών, “image,” but few terms would be better suited to encapsulate his belief about the relationship between Jesus and the Father. Although any direct vision of the Father is now excluded, in this final scene the equivalent was there in the person of Jesus, as Thomas fully recognizes.

Yet there is one further lesson to be taught, and this concerns the crucial difference between vision and faith. Thomas, who, as one of the Twelve, is one of the last people to see the risen Jesus, believes because he has seen him physically present and has come close enough to put his hand in his side. Yet the very last words that Jesus addresses to him make it paradoxically plain that this unmediated vision is not to be thought of as a privilege: “Blessed are those who have
not
seen, and yet believe.”
How
those who have not seen may come to believe is indicated in the closing sentence of the whole Gospel, addressed to the evangelist’s readers. In a saying in which the reference of the word
signs
is extended to include the passion and resurrection stories he has just told, he announces that “these [signs] are written that you may believe.” Scholars have argued endlessly whether all the prospective readers of the Gospel already stand within the circle of believers (in which case the Gospel must have been written to strengthen their already existing belief) or whether John was targeting others, pagans or Jews, in the hope that they too would come to believe. The evangelist unquestionably had the members of his own community in mind. So much is clear from the message of reassurance in the Farewell Discourse. Yet anyone who thinks, as I do, that he also hoped to reach other readers outside his own community, can hardly fail to be struck by the enormity of his ambitions. For these other readers, he appears to be saying, the path to faith is his own book! Powerful as his work undoubtedly is, is it compelling enough to persuade readers hitherto unfamiliar with the story of Jesus that in and through this little book they can find God?

The Gospel remains a puzzle full of mysteries. There are mysteries for the believer, and mysteries for the scholar too. For the scholar, I now think, the biggest mystery of all is the Johannine portrait of Jesus himself, sublimely confident and self-assured, constantly disclosing new and fascinating elements of a personality unlike any other in history or in literature. In the next and final chapter I will make some attempt to explain why this should be so.

  1. Ernst Käsemann, “Aufbau und Anliegen des johanneischen Prolog,” in
    Libertas Christiana: Friedrich Delekat zum 65. Geburtstag,
    ed.Walter Matthias and Ernst Wolf, Beiträge zur evangelischen Theologie 26 (Munich: Kaiser, 1957), 75–99. Did Käsemann get this idea from Wrede, I wonder, who as early as 1903 had described the Johannine Christ as “ein wandelnder Gott” and spoken of his “übermenschliche Hoheit” [superhuman grandeur] (William Wrede,
    Charakter und Tendenz des Johannesevangelium
    [Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1903], 37), or even from Rudolf Bultmann himself, who in an article of 1930 had described the Jesus of the Gospels as “der über die Erde wandelnde Gottessohn,” adding, “zumal [above all] im Johannesevangelium” (“Untersuchungen zum Johannesevangelium B. Θεὸν οὐδεὶς ἑώρακεν πώποτε [Joh 1,18],”
    Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
    29 [1930]: 183).

  2. Ernst Käsemann,
    The Testament of Jesus: A Study of the Gospel of John in the Light of Chapter 17
    (London: SCM, 1968).

  3. Käsemann,
    Testament
    , 8–9.

  4. Käsemann,
    Jesu letzter Wille nach Johannes 17
    , 3rd ed. (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1971), 62 n. 69.

  5. John Ashton,
    Understanding the Fourth Gospel
    , 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 2007), 141–42.

  6. Gillis Petersson Wetter
    , Der Sohn Gottes: Eine Untersuchung über den Charakter und die Tendenz des Johannes Evangeliums. Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Heilandsgestalten der Antike,
    Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 26 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1916).

  7. Ludwig Bieler,
    Θεῖος ἀνήρ:
    Das Bild des “göttlichen Menschen” in Spätantike und Frühchristentum,
    vol. 1 (Vienna: O. Höfels, 1935), 20.

  8. Dwight Moody Smith, “The Johannine Miracle Source: A Proposal,” in
    Jews, Greeks, and Christians: Religious Cultures in Late Antiquity. Essays in Honor of William David Davies
    , ed. Robert Hamerton-Kelly and Robin Scroggs, Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity, 21 (Leiden: Brill, 1976), 167. Besides Bultmann and Käsemann, Smith cites Jürgen Becker (1969–70), Helmut Köster and James M. Robinson (1971), Ernst Haenchen (1962–63), and Luise Schottroff (1970).

  9. The full exposition of the twenty-eight parallels takes up thirty-five pages (104–39) of his famous
    Bedeutung
    article. For a summary, see
    Understanding the Fourth Gospel
    , 1st ed., 55.

  10. Morton Smith, “Prolegomena to a Discussion of Aretologies, Divine Men, the Gospels and Jesus,”
    Journal of Biblical Literature
    90 (1971): 174–99.

  11. Carl Holladay,
    Theios Aner in Hellenistic Judaism: A Critique of the Use of This Category in New Testament Christology,
    Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 40 (Missoula, Mont: Scholars Press, 1977).

  12. Wayne A. Meeks,
    The Prophet-King: Moses Traditions and the Johannine Christology,
    Supplements to Novum Testamentum 14 (Leiden: Brill, 1967), 10 n. 5; further, pp. 22–23. Meeks criticizes especially Wetter’s insightless discussion of the question πόθεν εἶ σύ; in John; moreover, Wetter’s assertion that the title of Prophet in John was synonymous with “the Son of God” assumes what he wished to prove, “that ‘Son of God’ is the fundamental title given Jesus in the Fourth Gospel, and that all other titles point to the same notion” (Meeks, 23 n. 1).

  13. Meeks, review of
    The Testament of Jesus
    ,
    by Ernst Käsemann,
    Union Seminary Quarterly Review
    24 (1969): 418. With one exception (Haenchen) the works cited by Moody Smith were published after Meeks’s review.

  14. Meeks, 
    Prophet-King
    , 115 (emphasis added).

  15. Raymond E. Brown, 
    The Gospel according to John: Introduction, Translation, and Notes,
    2 vols., Anchor Bible 29, 29A (New York: Doubleday, 1966, 1970), 1:35; M.-E. Boismard,
    St. John

    s Prologue
    (London: Blackfriars, 1957); similarly, Barnabas Lindars,
    The Gospel of John
    (London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1972), 82. The first to suggest that 1:6 was the original opening of the Gospel was Friedrich Spitta,
    Das Johannes-Evangelium als Quelle der Geschichte Jesu
    (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1910).

  16. The story of the woman taken in adultery (7:53—8:11), found only in a mass of very late manuscripts, is one such passage; and the majority of scholars regard chapter 21 as an appendix.

  17. Rudolf Bultmann,
    The Gospel of John. A Commentary
    (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971), 64 (emphasis added). This is a theme to which Bultmann returns, with differing emphases, at several points in his commentary; see pp. 151, 468, 631, 632, 634, 659.

  18. C. H. Dodd,
    The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel
    (Cambridge: University Press, 1953), 260.

  19. C. K. Barrett,
    The Gospel according to St. John: An Introduction with Commentary and Notes on the Greek Text,
    2nd ed. (London, SPCK, 1978), 151.

  20. James F. McGrath,
    John’s Apologetic Christology: Legitimation and Development in Johannine Christology,
    Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series 111 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 55; cf. 131.

  21. As is fully argued in excursus IV.

  22. Barrett,
    Gospel
    , 151.

  23. Brown,
    Gospel,
    1:1. If we wish to retain Brown’s overture metaphor, we should think in terms of the grand concert overtures of Beethoven and Brahms, self-contained and self-sustaining, or the precocious young Mendelssohn’s “Overture to a Midsummer Night’s Dream,” rather than of the lead-in overtures of Mozart, Verdi, and Wagner.

  24. On this topic see chapter 9 of
    Understanding the Fourth Gospel
    , 366-86, “The Story of Wisdom.”

  25. Martin Hengel takes a similar view: “As with most works, the prologue was added last: perhaps it was composed earlier as a hymn, but this too will have been after careful reflection. John 17 was also added at a later stage as in inclusion, but not by a redactor: both prologue and ch. 17 clearly show the genius of the author” (
    The Johannine Question
    [Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1989], 93). John 17, yes; but the Prologue is sufficiently different from the body of the Gospel to make it probable that Brown is correct to ascribe its composition to someone other than the evangelist.

  26. Brown, 
    Gospel
    , 1:36.

  27. For a fuller discussion of the Gospel passages concerning Jesus’ vision of God, see my “Reflections on a Footnote,” in
    Engaging with C. H. Dodd on the Gospel of John: Sixty Years of Tradition and Interpretation
    , ed. Tom Thatcher and Catrin H. Williams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 209–14.

  28. Paul Lamarche, “The Prologue of John,” in
    The Interpretation of John
    ,
    ed. John Ashton, Studies in New Testament Interpretation (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1997), 42.

  29. I have not managed to find a completely satisfactory translation for ἐξηγήσατο, the only occurrence of the verb ἐξηγεῖσθαι in the Gospel. In classical Greek this word, which almost always has an object in the accusative case, means (1) lead, guide, or govern; (2) dictate, expound, or interpret; (3) tell at length, set forth, explain. None of these meanings fits here. Bultmann (
    Gospel,
    79 n. 3) argues that 1:18, in spite of what he calls its “highly mythological language,” has been added by the evangelist, because the whole verse is in prose, and because both the use of the pronoun ἐκεῖνος to take up a preceding subject and the way of stressing an idea by preceding it with a negation are characteristic of his style. If this is right (and Bultmann’s arguments are good ones), then the verse must be translated in such a way as to make it clear that it conforms to the evangelist’s most cherished ideas. A clue comes in Jesus’ response to Philip’s plea to “show us the Father”: “He who has seen me has seen the Father. . . . I am in the Father and the Father in me” (14:8-11). The word ἐξηγήσατο in this context
    may
    mean “manifested.” It
    cannot
    mean “gave an account of” or “explained,” not only because the verb here has no object but also because these translations do not accord with the evangelist’s own practice. There is a use of the Greek middle voice whereby the result of an action is confined to the subject of the verb. If that is the use here, then the meaning is something like “it is he who was the manifestation.” See Ignace de La Potterie,
    La vérité dans saint Jean,
    2 vols., Analecta biblica 73, 74 (Rome: Biblical Institute Press 1977), 1:220–28. Pointing out that none of the classical meanings fits here, de La Potterie adduces three passages from the Septuagint. The first is 1 Chron. 16:24 (a verse omitted by both Rahlfs and Swete because it is missing from the best manuscripts): ἐξηγεῖσθε ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσιν τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ. The second (from Job 12:7) is inconclusive. The third, Job 28:27, says of God that he saw wisdom καὶ ἐξηγήσατο αὐτήν. Here de La Potterie’s translation (“et la manifesta”) gives a better sense (at least of the Greek) than the English “and declared it.”  These are more convincing parallels than Barrett’s suggestion (
    Gospel
    , 170) from Sirach: τίς ἑόρακεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐκδιηγήσεται;—“Who has seen him and can describe him?” (Ecclus. 43:31). Arguing too that in John 1:17-18, ἀλήθεια and ἐξηγήσατο are “practically parallel,” de La Potterie concludes (p. 220) that “perhaps the best” translation of this verse would be: “Le Fils unique, tourné vers le sein du Père, il fut, lui, la révélation.” “Revelation,” “manifestation”—either will do.

  30. In this section I have drawn on two recent articles, “The Johannine Son of Man: A New Proposal,” 
    New Testament Studies
     57 (2011): 508–29; “Intimations of Apocalyptic: Looking Back and Looking Forward,”
    John's Gospel and Intimations of Apocalyptic
    , ed. Catrin H. Williams and Christopher Rowland (London: Bloomsbury T & T Clark, 2013), 3–35.


  31. Hugo Odeberg,
    The Fourth Gospel: Interpreted in Its Relation to Contemporaneous Religious Currents in Palestine and the Hellenistic-Oriental world
    (Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1929), 72, 97.

  32. Odeberg,
    Fourth Gospel,
    92. One surprising omission is Elijah, whose ascent, along with that of Moses, is denied by the
    Mekilta
    on Exod. 19:20 (
    Baḥodesh
    4). Alan F. Segal, in a significant contribution, adds the names of Baruch, Phineas, Ezra, Adam, and Zephaniah (“Heavenly Ascent in Hellenistic Judaism, Early Christianity and Their Environment,”
    Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt
    23.2 (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1980), 1333–94.

  33. Two pages from the
    Corpus Hermeticum
    (73–75), twelve from the Mandaean literature (75–88), and five from rabbinic sources (89–94) concerning the descent and ascent of the Šĕkīnâ.

  34. Odeberg,
    Gospel
    , 94–95. Odeberg goes on to discuss what he calls “the positive bearing of this passage,” and reaffirms his view of the inclusive sense of the title Son of Man, which involves the incorporation of all believers in a “man” who represents the essence of humanity.

  35. Odeberg had previously paraphrased 3:12 as “a world of which I can speak, for I know and have seen it,
    having myself come from that world
    ” (
    Gospel,
    49 [emphasis added])—forgetting the key reference to “ascent” in 3:13.

  36. See Meeks
    ,
    Prophet-King,
    147–49. Meeks quotes the relevant passage and gives a full account of it. I am also indebted to him for the quotation from the midrash just above (p. 205), and for the allusion to Philo (pp. 122–25).

  37. See Ashton, “Johannine Son of Man,” 516–19, where this is argued in more detail.

  38. Meeks,
    Prophet-King
    , 297.

  39. Carston Colpe, ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου,
    Theological Dictionary of the New Testament,
    ed. Gerhard Friedrich (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans: 1972), 8:400–477.

  40. On this question, see now especially the section “The Son of Man” in chapter 5 in Christopher Rowland and Christopher R. A.  Morray-Jones,
    The Mystery of God: Early Jewish Mysticism and the New Testament,
    Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum, Section 3, Jewish Traditions in Early Christian Literature 12 (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2009), 109–13.

  41. Odeberg,
    Fourth Gospel,
    72.

  42. Jan-Adolf Bühner,
    Der Gesandte und sein Weg im vierten Evangelium: Die kultur- und religionsgeschichtliche Grundlagen der johanneischen Sendungschristologie sowie ihre traditionsgeschichtliche Entwicklung,
    Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2/2
     
    (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1977), 341–73.

  43. Alan Segal quotes a passage from the
    Mekhilta
    (possibly as early as the second century
    ce
    ) in which, directly after a quotation of Dan 7:9 (“As I looked, thrones were placed”) a warning is given that no doctrine of “two powers in heaven” should be derived from this passage. See Alan F. Segal,
    Two Powers in Heaven: Early Rabbinic Reports about Christianity and Gnosticism
    , Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity 25 (Leiden: Brill, 1977), 36; cf. 139.

  44. J. Louis Martyn, 
    History and Theology in the Fourth Gospel
    , 3rd ed. (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2003), 129 n. 195.

  45. John Ashton, “Bridging Ambiguities,” in
    Studying John: Approaches to the Fourth Gospel
    (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994), 71–89; see also
    Understanding the Fourth Gospel
    , 281–98.

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