This is not the place to discuss the morality of abortion, but the larger context of trends in violence can provide some insight into how people
conceive
of abortion. Many opponents of legalized abortion predicted that acceptance of the practice would cheapen human life and put society on a slippery slope toward infanticide, euthanasia of the handicapped, a devaluation of the lives of children, and eventually widespread murder and genocide. Today we can say with confidence that that has not happened. Though abortion has been available in most of the Northern Hemisphere for decades, no country has allowed the deadline for abortions during pregnancy to creep steadily forward into legal infanticide, nor has the availability of abortion prepared the ground for euthanasia of disabled children. Between the time when abortion was made widely available and today, the rate of every category of violence has gone down, and, as we shall see, the valuation of the lives of children has shot up.
Opponents of abortion may see the decline in every form of violence but the killing of fetuses as a stunning case of moral hypocrisy. But there is another explanation for the discrepancy. Modern sensibilities have increasingly conceived moral worth in terms of
consciousness
, particularly the ability to suffer and flourish, and have identified consciousness with the activity of the brain. The change is a part of the turning away from religion and custom and toward science and secular philosophy as a source of moral illumination. Just as the legally recognized end of life is now defined by the cessation of brain activity rather than the cessation of a heartbeat, the beginning of life is sensed to depend on the first stirrings of consciousness in the fetus. The current understanding of the neural basis of consciousness ties it to reverberating neural activity between the thalamus and the cerebral cortex, which begins at around twenty-six weeks of gestational age.
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More to the point, people
conceive
of fetuses as less than fully conscious: the psychologists Heather Gray, Kurt Gray, and Daniel Wegner have shown that people think of fetuses as more capable of experience than robots or corpses, but less capable than animals, babies, children, and adults.
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The vast majority of abortions are carried out well before the milestone of having a functioning brain, and thus are safely conceptualized, according to this understanding of the worth of human life, as fundamentally different from infanticide and other forms of violence.
At the same time, we might expect a general distaste for the destruction of any kind of living thing to turn people away from abortion even when they don’t equate it with murder. And that indeed has happened. It’s a little-known fact that rates of abortion are falling throughout the world. Figure 7–16 shows the rates of abortion in the major regions in which data are available (albeit differing widely in quality) in the 1980s, 1996, and 2003.
The decline has been steepest in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, which were said to have had a “culture of abortion.” During the communist era abortions were readily available, but contraceptives, like every other consumer good, were allocated by a central commissar rather than by supply and demand, so they were always in short supply. But abortions have also become less common in China, the United States, and the Asian and Islamic countries in which they are legal. Only in India and Western Europe did abortion rates fail to decline, and those are the regions where the rates were lowest to begin with.
FIGURE 7–16.
Abortions in the world, 1980–2003
Sources:
1980s: Henshaw, 1990; 1996 & 2003: Sedgh et al., 2007. “Eastern Europe” comprises Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia/Czech Republic & Slovakia, Hungary, Yugoslavia/Serbia-Montenegro, Romania. “Western Europe” comprises Belgium, Denmark, England and Wales, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Scotland, Sweden. “Asia” comprises Singapore, Japan, South Korea (2003 equated with 1996). “Islamic” comprises Tunisia and Turkey.
The causes of much of the decline, to be sure, are practical. Contraception is cheaper and more convenient than abortion, and if it’s readily available it will be the first choice of people with the foresight and self-control to use it. But presumably abortion has a moral dimension even among those who undergo it and among their compatriots who want to keep the option safe and legal. Abortion is seen as something to be minimized, even if it is not criminalized. If so, the trends in abortion offer a sliver of common ground in the rancorous debate between the so-called pro-life and pro-choice factions. The countries that allow abortion have not let an indifference to life put them on a slippery slope to infanticide or other forms of violence. But these same countries increasingly act as if abortion is undesirable, and they may be reducing its incidence as part of the move to protect all living things.
During the long, sad history of violence against children, even when infants survived the day of their birth it was only to endure harsh treatment and cruel punishments in the years to come. Though hunter-gatherers tend to use corporal punishment in moderation, the dominant method of child-rearing in every other society comes right out of
Alice in Wonderland:
“Speak roughly to your little boy, and beat him when he sneezes.”
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The reigning theory of child development was that children were innately depraved and could be socialized only by force. The expression “Spare the rod and spoil the child” has been attributed to an advisor to the king of Assyria in the 7th century BCE and may have been the source of Proverbs 13:24, “He that spareth the rod hateth his son: But he that loveth him chasteneth him betimes.”
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A medieval French verse advised, “Better to beat your child when small than to see him hanged when grown.” The Puritan minister Cotton Mather (Increase’s son) extended the concern for the child’s well-being to the hereafter: “Better whipt than Damn’d.”
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As with all punishments, human ingenuity rose to the technological challenge of delivering experiences that were as unpleasant as possible. DeMause writes of medieval Europe:
That children with devils in them had to be beaten goes without saying. A panoply of beating instruments existed for that purpose, from cat-o’-nine tails and whips to shovels, canes, iron rods, bundles of sticks, the discipline (a whip made of small chains), the goad (shaped like a cobbler’s knife, used to prick the child on the head or hands) and special school instruments like the flapper, which had a pear-shaped end and a round hole to raise blisters. The beatings described in the sources were almost always severe, involved bruising and bloodying of the body, began in infancy, were usually erotically tinged by being inflicted on bare parts of the body near the genitals and were a regular part of the child’s daily life.
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Severe corporal punishment was common for centuries. One survey found that in the second half of the 18th century, 100 percent of American children were beaten with a stick, whip, or other weapon.
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Children were also liable to punishment by the legal system; a recent biography of Samuel Johnson remarks in passing that a seven-year-old girl in 18th-century England was hanged for stealing a petticoat.
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Even at the turn of the 20th century, German children “were regularly placed on a red-hot iron stove if obstinate, tied to their bedposts for days, thrown into cold water or snow to ‘harden’ them, [and] forced to kneel for hours every day against the wall on a log while the parents ate and read.”
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During toilet training many children were tormented with enemas, and at school they were “beaten until [their] skin smoked.”
The harsh treatment was not unique to Europe. The beating of children has been recorded in ancient Egypt, Sumeria, Babylonia, Persia, Greece, Rome, China, and Aztec Mexico, whose punishments included “sticking the child with thorns, having their hands tied and then being stuck with pointed agave leaves, whippings, and even being held over a fire of dried axi peppers and being made to inhale the acrid smoke.”
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DeMause notes that well into the 20th century, Japanese children were subjected to “beating and burning of incense on the skin as routine punishments, cruel bowel training with constant enemas, . . . kicking, hanging by the feet, giving cold showers, strangling, driving a needle into the body, cutting off a finger joint.”
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(A psychoanalyst as well as a historian, deMause had plenty of material with which to explain the atrocities of World War II.)
Children were subjected to psychological torture as well. Much of their entertainment was filled with reminders that they might be abandoned by parents, abused by stepparents, or mutilated by ogres and wild animals. Grimm’s fairy tales were just a few of the advisories that may be found in children’s literature of the misfortunes that can befall a careless or disobedient child. English babies, for example, were soothed to sleep with a lullaby about Napoleon:
Baby, baby, if he hears you,
As he gallops past the house,
Limb from limb at once he’ll tear you,
Just as pussy tears a mouse.
And he’ll beat you, beat you, beat you,
And he’ll beat you all to pap,
And he’ll eat you, eat you, eat you,
Every morsel, snap, snap, snap.
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A recurring archetype in children’s verse is the child who commits a minor slipup or is unjustly blamed for one, whereupon his stepmother butchers him and serves him for dinner to his unwitting father. In a Yiddish version, the victim of one such injustice sings posthumously to his sister:
Murdered by my mother,
Eaten by my father.
And Sheyndele, when they were done
Sucked the marrow from my bones
And threw them out the window.
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Why would any parents torture, starve, neglect, and terrify their own children? One might naïvely think that parents would have evolved to nurture their children without stinting, since having viable offspring is the be-all and endall of natural selection. Children too ought to submit to their parents’ guidance without resistance, since it is offered for their own good. The naïve view predicts a harmony between parent and child, since each “wants” the same thing—for the child to grow up healthy and strong enough to have children of its own.
It was Trivers who first noticed that the theory of natural selection predicts no such thing.
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Some degree of conflict between parent and offspring is rooted in the evolutionary genetics of the family. Parents have to apportion their investment (in resources, time, and risk) across all their children, born and unborn. All things being equal, every offspring is equally valuable, though each benefits from parental investment more when it is young and helpless than when it can fend for itself. The child sees things differently. Though an offspring has an interest in its siblings’ welfare, since it shares half its genes with each full sib, it shares
all
of its genes with itself, so it has a disproportionate interest in its
own
welfare. The tension between what a parent wants (an equitable allocation of its worldly efforts to all its children) and what a child wants (a lopsided benefit to itself compared to its siblings) is called parent-offspring conflict. Though the stakes of the conflict are the parents’ investment in a child and its siblings, those siblings need not yet exist: a parent must also conserve strength for future children and grandchildren. Indeed, the first dilemma of parenthood—whether to keep a newborn—is just a special case of parent-offspring conflict.
The theory of parent-offspring conflict says nothing about how much investment an offspring should want or how much a parent should be prepared to give. It says only that however much parents are willing to give, the offspring wants a bit more. Children cry when they are in need of help, and parents cannot ignore the cries. But children are expected to cry a bit louder and longer than their objective need calls for. Parents discipline children to keep them out of danger, and socialize them to be effective members of their community. But parents are expected to discipline children a bit more for their own convenience, and to socialize them to be a bit more accommodating to their siblings and kin, than the levels that would be in the interests of the children themselves. As always, the teleological terms in the explanation—“wants,” “interests,” “for”
—
don’t refer to literal desires in the minds of people, but are shorthand for the evolutionary pressures that shaped those minds.