Self-Sacrifice (34 page)

In the face of this onslaught the Iraqi military collapsed. The astute use of social media by ISIS ensured that ghastly films and photographs of mass slaughter and beheadings of captured Iraqi soldiers spread panic in the ranks. Thousands of Iraqi military personnel tore off their uniforms, dropped their weapons and fled. ISIS captured hundreds of tonnes of new weaponry, tanks, Humvees, rocket launchers and small arms. More importantly, they took control of rich oilfields and banks, and became one of the wealthiest terrorist organisations in the world.

Success bred success, and more and more jihadists flooded into Iraq from Syria to join the war. Such were their territorial gains that they ditched the name ISIS and re-named themselves the Islamic State (IS). Their leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, declared himself Caliph, or
head of state of the new Caliphate. The US State Department has designated al-Baghdadi as a Global Terrorist and offered a $10 million ‘dead or alive’ reward for his capture or death. Undeterred, in July 2014, al-Baghdadi made a speech from the Great Mosque of al-Nuri in Mosul, northern Iraq, in which he declared himself the world leader of all Muslims. He announced that the Islamic State would march on Rome and conquer the whole of Europe and the Middle East. His declaration of a Caliphate caused great consternation amongst many Middle East governments and religious leaders, who claimed such a pronouncement was void under Sharia law.

The expansion of ISIS inside Iraq took the world by surprise. Suddenly even the Kurdish Peshmerga were being forced to retreat as Islamic State jihadists moved relentlessly towards Erbil, the KRG capital. Maliki exploited the worsening crisis for his own ends, pleading with the West and neighbouring Iran for military assistance, and repeatedly stating that he was the only person who could resolve the crisis. Western leaders, however, began to realise what many others and I had been arguing for years – that Maliki was the problem, not the solution. Only his removal from office and replacement by a non-sectarian government of national salvation could reunite the country and lead the fightback against the IS terrorists.

It rapidly became apparent that Maliki no longer had majority support, even amongst his own Shiia political factions. Obama and John Kerry were by now openly calling for his removal, and as the Islamic State began even to threaten the borders of Iran, the Mullahs saw the writing on the wall and threw their long-time puppet to the encircling wolves. When the newly appointed Iraqi President, Fuad Masum, ignored Maliki’s entreaties and invited Haider al-Abadi to form a government, Maliki reacted furiously, stating that he would report the President to the judiciary for breaching the constitution. As leader of the main Shiite political faction that had won most seats in the election, Maliki argued that it was his constitutional right to remain in charge as Prime Minister. This was a great irony coming from Maliki, a past master at breaching the Iraqi constitution. Nevertheless, bolstered by growing international support, even from the Iranian Mullahs, President Masum ignored Maliki’s threats and gave the job to Haider al-Abadi.

Realising the game was up, Maliki finally agreed to stand aside, and the Manchester University-educated Haider al-Abadi began active negotiations to form a new, inclusive government, involving Shiias, Sunnis, Kurds and all ethnic minorities and political factions. The prospects for a government of national salvation and an end to sectarian strife began to grow.

There is no doubt that the disruption and mistakes made by the US following the 2003 invasion contributed to Iraq’s current predicament and its years of failed governance. Constant interference and manipulation by Iran has exacerbated this situation and helped to divide the nation further. It was intolerable that the Western powers said nothing in the face of such tyranny and corruption. Iraq’s progress always depended on the willingness of its leaders to turn away from a narrow focus on their own power, wealth, ethnicity and faction. If, with Maliki now gone, they do not move forward, Iraq will face civil war and disintegration. It will become a failed state.

After five years as President of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations with Iraq from 2009 to 2014, and many visits to the country and discussions with its political leaders, I cannot now simply wash my hands and walk away. It is for this reason that I decided to set up the European Iraqi Freedom Association, whose main motivation is to work towards the restoration of democracy, freedom and justice in that beleaguered country. The people of Iraq have been tortured, beaten, abused and robbed of their heritage and livelihoods by a long succession of corrupt and dictatorial leaders. They deserve a better future, and the European Iraqi Freedom Association will be their voice in Europe.

Many distinguished politicians and notable leaders who share these objectives have joined me in this task, including my longstanding friend and collaborator Alejo Vidal-Quadras, Vice President of the European Parliament from 1999 to 2014, Paulo Casaca, MEP from 1999 to 2009, Geir Haarde, former Prime Minister of Iceland, Sid Ahmed Ghozali, former Prime Minister of Algeria, His Excellency Tariq Al-Hashemi, former Vice President of Iraq, Lord Carlile, former National Security Advisor to the UK government, and Giulio Terzi, former Foreign Minister of Italy. I anticipate many other distinguished political colleagues will join.

Our objective is to see a non-sectarian government of national salvation that can unite the Shiias and the Sunnis in Iraq and bring together the many other diverse ethnic factions. The first imperative if this goal is to be achieved is for the eviction of the Iranian regime from Iraq. They relentlessly built up their influence and internal meddling in Iraq during the eight years of Maliki’s dictatorship, and progress towards national unity cannot happen until they are forced out.

We have achieved one of our first objectives by seeing the departure of Nouri al-Maliki, a corrupt and brutal sociopath. We must now place our faith in Haider al-Abadi, the new Prime Minister, and trust that he will not repeat the mistakes of his predecessor. If he unites the Shiias, Sunnis and Kurds in Iraq and offers the hand of friendship to the many ethnic minorities and ejects the agents of the Iranian regime and its criminal militias from the political scene, he will be able to revive the tribes and lead a successful fight against the Islamic State terrorists, driving them back to Syria.

It will be a mountainous task for al-Abadi. First he has to set up an inclusive cabinet, clear of the influence of foreign powers, particularly the Iranian regime. Then he must order the immediate release of all political prisoners, especially the women who have been imprisoned by Maliki under bogus terrorist charges. Next he must demonstrate that he will welcome the participation of all parts of Iraqi society, particularly the Sunnis and Kurds, in power-sharing, recognising the people’s rights in Sunni provinces and entering into dialogue with the tribal leaders and Sunni revolutionaries.

He must begin rounding up the savage militias associated with the Iranian regime, such as Badr, Asaib and Kataib terrorists, as well as other criminal gangs that have played a significant role in Maliki’s rule and instigated the sectarian war in Iraq. He must purge the army of Iranian mercenaries and all those that Maliki has recruited under his sectarian policy, restoring patriotic officers and turning it into a professional and national army. Only such an army, supported by the tribes and the people, will be able to confront extremist and terrorist groups like the Islamic State.

The new Prime Minister should also disclose to the Iraqi people the names of those who carried out the executions, massacres, bombardment and rocket attacks against innocent people, and those
responsible for poverty and state corruption; all should be held accountable in the courts. He must re-establish the independence of the judiciary, dismissing those who have turned Iraq’s justice system into a political tool wielded by Maliki. He must also arrest and hold to account the perpetrators of the six massacres at Camps Ashraf and Liberty, as well as lifting the inhuman siege against Iranian refugees at Liberty and guaranteeing their rights and security and their right to ownership of their property at Liberty and Ashraf.

The new government should prepare the ground for an early free and fair democratic election under UN supervision to restore true sovereignty to the people’s representatives.

I certainly hope that Dr al-Abadi will take rapid steps towards implementing these measures to fulfil the wishes of all the people of Iraq. This way, he will enjoy the full support of the world community and particularly the EU. He now has in his hands the historic role of saving Iraq, or presiding over its total disintegration.

42

Interviews with PMOI Refugees in Camp Liberty, September 2014

Bahar Abehesht

My name is Bahar Abehesht. I was born in Tehran on 14 March 1982. I was a math major in high school and from early childhood studied and competed in martial arts. Upon joining the PMOI and after the US attack on Iraq, which led to voluntary disarmament of the NLA, I continued my education online in the field of computer programming and software.

I came to know the PMOI from the time I was very young. My Mum and Dad were both members of the PMOI. When Khomeini returned to Iran and the suppression of the PMOI began, both my parents were forced to go into hiding. In 1982 when my Mum was pregnant, my Dad was arrested by the Revolutionary Guards in northern Iran in one of the PMOI’s bases. He was tortured severely, and after he had refused to repent he was executed. He never saw me. When my Mum went to hospital to give birth to me, the hospital was surrounded by Revolutionary Guards looking for PMOI members and supporters. One of the doctors was a member of the Fedayeen guerrillas and knew my Mum was with the PMOI; he transferred her to a special ward at the hospital to be safe from the Guards. Immediately after she gave birth she was put in a car and discreetly transferred out of the hospital to a safe house on Majidieh Street.

After a few hours the Revolutionary Guards had entered the hospital and arrested the doctor who had helped my Mum and took him to prison. He was later executed. My Mum lived with a few other PMOI members in a safe house in Tehran’s Pars district. On 2 May 1982, the regime launched a widespread attack on PMOI bases and safe houses across Tehran, and my Mum and I were arrested and taken to Evin Prison. I was only a few weeks old at the time. Despite my grandparents trying to secure my release from prison and raise me
in their home, the regime did not permit it and I was in Evin Prison till I was two years old. In Evin Prison my Mum was under constant torture and long interrogations, so she was not able to take care of me, and I was cared for by other female prisoners.

At the age of two my grandparents managed to get custody of me and take me home with them. If I want to describe how I came to know the PMOI I have to say that since I opened my eyes to this world I was surrounded by the PMOI. All I saw of the Khomeini regime was torture and execution, and from the PMOI, paying the price of freedom. I was raised in a family where my Dad and uncles, along with five other members of my family, were all executed by the regime for being members of the PMOI. I was raised hearing the name of Massoud Rajavi. It is customary in Iran that when a child is born they recite verses of the Koran in their ears, but they told me when I was born that they had whispered “Death to Khomeini, Long Live Rajavi” in my ears.

Seeing my Mum and uncles in jail and then seeing their pictures set up on our fireplace, I used to ask my grandparents, “Why is my Mum in prison? Why did they kill my Dad and uncles?” When I was little they would refrain from replying and change the subject, but when I was five years old, one day my grandfather told me about the Mojahedin. He said that they fought for freedom and sacrificed their lives to free the people of Iran. Every night at 8 p.m. my grandfather would try to listen to the PMOI radio programme, sifting through the static. This is how I spent my childhood, and this was a glimpse into how I came to know the PMOI.

In our home we knew Massoud Rajavi as our leader. They used to show his picture to us and tell us, “This is uncle Massoud, one day he will return to Iran and call all the children whose fathers have been executed to join him.” So as someone who had lost her father, I felt an intense relationship with the leader of the resistance. When I grew up I always wanted to see him and always thought about him. Since I was raised in a family who were PMOI supporters, I came to know the meaning of injustice and freedom early on. My Mum spent ten years in Khomeini’s jails. The signs of savage torture are still visible on her body. My older uncle spent seven years in the Shah and Khomeini’s prisons. My younger uncle was severely tortured for five
years; his cellmates had even documented the tortures he endured and I still have a copy of their report with me. The Khomeini regime executed him after five years of torture. Since I was a child I learned from the Mojahedin that you have to pay a price for freedom.

In 1988, I was taken to my mother in prison. Under Khomeini’s regime, if a child needs to be with her mother and the mother happens to be in prison then she has to go to prison to join her mother. So I accepted the terms and joined my Mum and the rest of the PMOI women in prison. 1988 coincided with the massacre of PMOI prisoners. I will never forget the events that transpired that year. I witnessed first hand the transfer of prisoners for mass executions. I saw their mutilated bodies when they returned from the torture chamber. The torturers used to whip the prisoners using cables to a point that most could hardly stand on their feet. Most of the PMOI could not eat the prison rations and had bleeding ulcers. Many had problems with their kidneys because of the lashes they received; some of them had to go through dialysis because their kidneys were not functioning.

Some experienced constant headaches and migraine from being hit in the head and most suffered from poor eyesight. I saw with my own eyes the bodies of the women who were tortured; their torn backs, feet and hands. I have seen the correctional cells with only a small window for air, in which they would place many people at the same time. I have talked through those small windows to the prisoners and exchanged information. They were all my friends, and despite all the tortures they endured they were all upbeat and energetic. Even though I was in prison with them, as long as I was amongst them I had a good feeling. They use to sing and read poetry and tell me about their resistance under torture. They told me: “You have to leave the prison and tell everyone what is happening in here.” Most of them knew that they would soon be executed, but they never lost their passion for life. Most of the people who were in prison with me were executed in the 1988 massacre of political prisoners, including Mozhgan Sorbi, 26, Azadeh Tabib, 25, Mahin Ghoreishi, Fereshteh Hamidi, and others . . .