Read Official and Confidential Online
Authors: Anthony Summers
On New Year's Day 1970, as Edgar turned seventy-five, Nixon telephoned to wish him Happy Birthday. Again he made sure the press knew, and again he said there were no plans for Edgar to retire. A few months later, on reading a
fresh news report that he planned to resign, Edgar scrawled a petulant note â âI will not.'
A new gag was now making the rounds in Washington. Plans were being made, it was said, to make Edgar's reappointment automatic â in the year 2000.
Terrorized as they were by Edgar's homosexual smear, the President's aides would have been interested in an account of what he himself was up to in 1969. Much later, information reached the police that, on vacation in California with Clyde, he went to great lengths to indulge a sexual interest in teenage males.
The story was told to this author by Charles Krebs, one of a group of Los Angeles homosexuals who kept close company in the late sixties. One of Krebs' friends was Billy Byars, Jr., wealthy son of the oil magnate who had used the bungalow next to Edgar's at the Del Charro hotel in La Jolla. With the help of an acquaintance he had made through knowing Byars, Jr., said Krebs, Edgar made the contacts necessary to have teenage boys brought to him at La Jolla.
Byars was thirty-two in 1969, a part-time filmmaker, fitness enthusiast and dilettante. He went on to produce
The Genesis Children
, an X-rated movie with scenes featuring naked male adolescents. He was indicted in 1973, along with fourteen other men, shortly after Edgar's death, during a police inquiry into other movies that featured sex acts involving young boys. Byars was by then abroad, reportedly in Morocco, and stayed out of the United States for many years to come.
According to Krebs and others, Byars' house in Los Angeles, at the summit of Laurel Canyon, was for a while a haven for adult homosexuals and male teenagers. Some of Byars' friends were aware, as Del Charro staff and Byars himself confirmed, that their host knew Edgar and sometimes saw him at La Jolla. They noticed that a card arrived from Edgar one Christmas and that a fifteen-year-old youth at the
house talked openly of having met Edgar at the Del Charro. âHoover bawled me out,' he complained, âfor having long hair, but I told the old faggot where to go. No way was I getting a haircut.'
âIt was accepted in our circle that Hoover and Tolson were homosexual,' Krebs recalled. âThe impression I had from Byars was that Hoover and Tolson had had a sexual relationship with each other when they were younger, but not anymore. They were just two old aunties together in old age, but they were queens. On three occasions that I knew about, perhaps four, boys were driven down to La Jolla at Hoover's request. I think the arrangements were made by one of Billy's friends, an older man.
âI went down to La Jolla with the group a couple of times, and we spent a good deal of time at a bar called Rudi's Hearthside, where the Hoover rendezvous were. We'd go to the Hearthside with the boys, the fifteen-year-old and another youngster. Hoover and Tolson would be driven there in a limo, always at night. I saw them and their security a couple of times â guys in suits and pointy shoes who looked like crooks. I'd be left behind and they'd go off in two cars, Hoover's and the one carrying the boys. The way I heard it, they'd drive to a reservoir up in the hills. The two cars parked headlight to headlight, with a cover car down the hill. And the boys would go and get in the Hoover car, and that's where they'd do their business.'
3
Detective Don Smith of the Los Angeles police vice unit interviewed the juvenile witnesses in the 1973 sex-movie case. âThis was a group of homosexuals,' he recalled, âsome of them pedophiles. There were a number of Hollywood people, also doctors, lawyers, schoolteachers, a head of a corporation. These were upstanding community leaders, but that was their quirk ⦠The kids knew them as “Uncle Mike” and “Mother John,” not by their real names. They'd describe the vehicles the guys were driving in and the chauffeurs who got out and made the pickups. The kids brought
up several famous names, including those of Hoover and his sidekick.'
Charles Krebs expressed anger at the memory of the expeditions to La Jolla. âHere was J. Edgar Hoover, himself a homosexual. Any law they ever brought up to help homosexuals, he shot it down. Anyone they thought homosexual who tried to get a job, he shot them down. He built dossiers on them and had people follow them around. Anyone who was a faggot he hated. Yet he was doing the same thing.'
33
âJustice is only incidental to law and order.'
J. Edgar Hoover, 1968
I
n April 1969, a brooding President Nixon called Edgar to discuss the unrest sweeping the nation about Vietnam. Nixon was worried about student unrest, about draft resisters and the possibility of a mutiny by troops in the field. It was the sort of thing, he felt, that âbrings down governments.' Edgar's response was to compare the situation to the Russian revolution of 1917. Rambling on about âbleeding hearts,' he told Nixon that campus rebellion could be solved if âpresidents of the universities showed more guts and expelled the individuals â¦'
Later, when Ohio National Guardsmen fired into a crowd at Kent State University, killing four young people and wounding eight, Edgar had no compassion. âThe Guardsmen used as much restraint as they could,' Edgar informed presidential aide Egil Krogh. âThe students invited and got what they deserved.'
In fact, official investigations showed the students were shot when they were hundreds of feet away from the Guardsmen, too far to be any threat. None of those killed were militants. A tape of the incident shows that the fatal salvo was preceded by a single gunshot. âThis could have been fired,' wrote the historian William Manchester, âeither as a signal or from fear, by Terence F. Norman, a spurious “freelance photographer” who was really an informer on the FBI payroll â¦'
All Vietnam protests, however peaceful, were infiltrated by FBI agents. On Edgar's orders, informants were paid to report on the plans â and private lives â of peace activists. Some of the victims were famous. Jane Fonda, trailed by the FBI long before her controversial visit to North Vietnam, was reported as arriving at an airport âdisheveled and dirty.' Her address book, containing ânames, addresses and telephone numbers of many revolutionary and leftist groups,' was confiscated and Xeroxed for FBI files. The actress' mail was opened, her phones bugged, her bank records examined. She became, for the Bureau's record, âJane Fonda: Anarchist.'
The famous were at least somewhat protected by their celebrity. There was no such protection, however, for the obscure Scott Camil, a two-tour Marine veteran, home from Vietnam with his wounds, nine medals and grave misgivings about the war. After Camil helped found Vietnam Veterans Against the War and threw away his medals in front of the Capitol, Edgar ordered a âfull-scale aggressive investigation.' The former Marine was put out of circulation, first on kidnapping charges, which were dropped, then for possession of marijuana. Agents have since admitted they had been told to find a way, any way, to âneutralize' Camil as a peace activist.
The instrument for the most serious abuses of the period was the Bureau's COINTELPRO project, originally launched thirteen years earlier to undermine the Communist Party using dirty tricks â fake documents, bogus phone calls and fabricated news stories.
1
In 1968, with Edgar's approval, agents concocted a letter to
Life
magazine signed by Howard Rasmussen of Brooklyn. Rasmussen did not exist, and the purpose of the letter was to smear a leader of the Youth International Party, better known as the Yippies. Morris Starsky, an Assistant Professor at Arizona State University who happened to be an antiwar activist, lost his job after an anonymous letter was sent to college officials. That letter, too, had been dreamed up at the FBI.
The FBI worked to divide and disrupt, to set one radical group against another. Bureau artists churned out bogus fliers attacking the âcrap' influence in the New Mobilization Committee Against the War in Vietnam, then submitted a copy to Edgar. It was labeled âObscene,' with the apologetic explanation that it was necessary to use bad language to get through to the New Left.
The FBI, established to prevent crime, now provoked it. Robert Hardy, a former Bureau informant in New Jersey, testified that agents urged him to persuade antiwar activists to break into the offices of the local draft board. âThey told me,' he said,
all they wanted was evidence of a conspiracy ⦠In the course of the next month, upon the instruction of my FBI agents, my leadership role increased to the point that it became absurd. I was not only encouraging the group to raid the Camden draft board, I was initiating all the plans to do so. I provided them with the tools they needed â ladders, ropes, drills, bits, hammers ⦠On instructions, I once tried to give them guns, but they refused ⦠All this was paid for by the FBI.
Far from settling for evidence of conspiracy, said Hardy, his control agent told him the break-in was to be allowed to go ahead. It did, and the protesters were caught red-handed. Hardy's Bureau contact told him the orders âhad come direct from the little White House in California ⦠The FBI again had gotten its man. The country could now see positive proof that the administration was correct in warning the country about the threat from the Left ⦠I will never forget the role I played in this abuse of American justice.'
The fact that the FBI denied Hardy's story is no reason to doubt it. The Bureau was conducting itself just as badly in other areas. The black movement, and especially the militant Black Panthers, came under ruthless attack. Unlike the
mainstream civil rights movement, the Panthers preached revolution. Many were armed and dangerous, others not. Edgar lumped them together as âthe greatest threat to the internal security of the country.'
People the Panthers approached for funds, such as church groups and women's organizations, were shocked to receive copies of the
Panthers' Coloring Book for Children
, depicting black children killing white policemen. The Panther leadership disapproved of the book and had ordered that all copies be destroyed. The FBI, however, obtained copies and circulated them â to deter possible donors.
The Newark Agent in Charge proposed the sending of a fake telegram, supposedly from within the Panthers' organization, warning that white âsupporters' were sending poisoned food donations to Panther charities. To âprove' it, he suggested, the Bureau laboratory could âtreat fruit such as oranges with a mild laxative-type drug by hypodermic needle or other appropriate method and ship fruit as a donation from a fictitious person â¦' Incredibly, Edgar's office thought the plan âhad merit,' and rejected it only âbecause of the lack of control over the treated fruit in transit.'
A vicious campaign was mounted to discredit Jean Seberg, the movie actress remembered for her role as Joan of Arc. Because the actress was among the Panthers' several prominent white backers, this suggestion went to Edgar from Agent Richard Held, a COINTELPRO specialist in Los Angeles:
Bureau permission is requested to publicize the pregnancy of JEAN SEBERG, well-known white movie actress, by Raymond Hewitt, Black Panther Party ⦠by advising Hollywood Gossip Columnists in the Los Angeles area of the situation. It is felt the possible publication of Seberg's âplight' could cause her embarrassment and serve to cheapen her image with the
general public. It is proposed that the following letter from a fictitious person be sent to local columnists:
I was just thinking about you and remembered I still owe you a favor. So â I was in Paris last week and ran into Jean Seberg, who was heavy with baby. I thought she and Romaine
[
sic
]
had gotten together again, but she confided the child belonged to Raymond Hewitt of the Black Panthers. The dear girl is getting around! Anyway, I thought you might get a scoop on the others. Be good, and I'll see you soon
.
Love
,
Sol
The FBI had discovered from a wiretap that Seberg was pregnant. To conceal that fact, Edgar recommended that the sending of âSol's' smear letter should be delayed âuntil Seberg's pregnancy would be obvious to everyone.' Just two weeks later, however, Los Angeles columnist Joyce Haber ran a story referring to an unnamed actress who was evidently Seberg. âPapa,' it said, âis said to be a rather prominent Black Panther.' The story was repeated by the
Hollywood Reporter
and â three months later â by
Newsweek
, which identified Seberg by name.
As the FBI well knew, Seberg was already emotionally disturbed and under psychiatric care. Soon after the publicity started, she took an overdose of sleeping tablets. The baby she was carrying was born prematurely days after the
Newsweek
story, but survived for only two days. The infant's father was almost certainly neither a Black Panther nor Seberg's estranged husband, the French novelist Romain Gary, but a Mexican she had met while making a movie.
The actress became obsessed about the loss of the baby and â when she learned of it years later â about the sinister role of the FBI. She committed suicide in 1979, almost nine
years to the day after the child's death. âJean Seberg,' said the grieving Romain Gary, âwas destroyed by the FBI.'
None of this emerged until after Edgar was dead, and â in spite of the evidence in its files â the FBI did not admit leaking the Seberg smear to the press. Bill Thomas, then City Editor of the
Los Angeles Times
, said he recalled only that the story came from âa law enforcement source.' Richard Held, the agent who initialed the original proposal to headquarters, went on to head the San Francisco office of the FBI. He would say only that his memo was âa bureaucratic requirement in response to pressure from someone in Washington.'