Read Mugged Online

Authors: Ann Coulter

Tags: #Politics, #Non-Fiction

Mugged (14 page)

In particular, Adams warned “to watch closely the Christian right’s persecution of homosexuals and lesbians.” This reminded him of, yes, Hitler.
2
Adams acolyte Chris Hedges took notice and realized: evangelical Christians were planning a holocaust against gays!

The evangelical ministers’ position on homosexuality is what led Hedges to conclude they were fascists. Opinions can differ on homosexuality—unless you happen to be a clergyman with the Christian, Jewish or Muslim faith, because all three major world religions take a dim view of sodomy. Next, liberals will be attacking Christian ministers who criticize sin.

But while imagining that white evangelical Christians were on the verge of engineering a second Holocaust, liberals find
black
evangelical
Christians adorable—cuter than a bug’s ear! Even when blacks oppose gay marriage, they get a pass.

Obama’s presidential run brought out record numbers of African American voters in 2008. Unluckily for liberals, 2008 was also the year California had a proposition on the ballot that would ban gay marriage. Without the immense black turnout, California’s Proposition 8 might have failed—it definitely would not have passed so decisively. Whites and Asians were split on the initiative, with bare majorities opposing it, 51 percent to 49 percent. Hispanics supported the ban, 53 percent to 47 percent. But black voters overwhelmingly voted for Prop 8 by a whopping 70 percent.

Liberals responded to the undeniable fact that blacks killed gay marriage by…attacking Mormons. After the vote, thousands of protesters gathered outside Mormon churches in Los Angeles, New York City and Chicago to slam opponents of gay marriage as haters and “morons.” There were threats to challenge the Mormon Church’s tax-exempt status.

Hollywood liberals and other predominantly gay groups made a sneering video accusing religious voters of stupidity for not knowing that the Bible condemned “shrimp cocktails” as much as sodomy—the two most popular items on the menu at any Hollywood party! Evidently, the New Testament hasn’t made it to California yet. Liberals were so upset about the gay marriage vote, they were on the verge of claiming Proposition 8 was born in Kenya.

But even in the middle of this epic hissy fit over Prop 8, liberals managed to contextualize the black vote. The fact that seven out of ten blacks voted to ban gay marriage was merely “disappointing” and “painfully ironic.”
3
No one challenged the black churches’ tax-exempt status.

Dan Savage, the Maxine Waters of the gays, illustrated the double standard. To the Mormons, he said, “f—k you, Brigham Young.” To the blacks, he rambled on incomprehensibly:

The relative handful of racist white gays and lesbians—and they’re out there, and I think they’re scum—are not a bigger problem for African Americans, gay and straight, than the huge numbers of homophobic African Americans are for gay Americans, whatever their color. (Read that carefully: I did not say that black homophobia is a bigger problem than white racism; I said that the huge numbers of African-American homophobes are a bigger problem for gays and lesbians—including gays and lesbians of color—than
the comparatively small number of racist gays and lesbians. Which does not excuse racism among gays and lesbians, of course.)

Harvey Fierstein stopped reading at that point. Just reading that passage made me feel dizzier than a passed-over drag queen during last call at a rage in West Hollywood. Terrified of insulting black people—even black people against gay marriage—Savage took refuge in complete opacity.

In a 1994 college speech, Reverend Al Sharpton referred to “them Greeks homos.” At first he claimed that “homo” was “not a homophobic term,” but then simply denied having said it, despite the existence of a videotape.
4
Nutty black clergymen got a pass on condemning sodomy and everything else.

As president, Bill Clinton had played both the gays and the blacks on gay marriage. First, he denounced Republicans for the Defense of Marriage Act, or DOMA. His press spokesman, Michael McCurry, called it “gay-baiting pure and simple.”
5
Next, Clinton signed DOMA into law and bragged about signing it in campaign commercials on black radio stations during his 1996 reelection campaign.

If liberals were willing to forgive blacks for being Christians, they were thrilled with black religions that didn’t take the God part all that seriously, but were actively hostile to America. While hysterical about white Baptists, liberals are complacent about psychotic cults involving persons of color. The Democrats have repeatedly endorsed black racist sects on the fringes of society. (Which is how we got the Reverend Al Sharpton.) Maybe if liberals had spent a little less time combing through Pat Robertson’s sermons for secret Nazi references, and instead had taken a peek at certain demagogic black religious leaders, several employees of a Harlem clothing store, two policemen, a congressman and nine hundred people, about six-hundred of them black, would still be alive today. But their position was:
Forget Jim Jones, let’s get back to what Jerry Falwell said about our beloved Teletubbies!

Time and again, the Democrats’ defense of some black pseudoreligious group would result in a violent explosion. Then, the entire incident would either be forgotten or reclassified under “Falwell” so that no one would notice the perpetual chaos being foisted on the country by mad black leaders who were sanctioned by the liberal establishment.

THE MOSQUE AND CHARLIE RANGEL

In 1972, members of the Nation of Islam mosque led by Louis Farrakhan ambushed four New York policemen, badly wounding three officers and murdering one.

The police had received an anonymous—and it later turned out, bogus—phone call, reporting an officer in distress on the second floor of West 116th Street. Unbeknownst to the responding officers, this happened to be Farrakhan’s mosque. The first four cops on the scene either didn’t realize (or didn’t care) that the front doors of the mosque were uncharacteristically thrown open and the usual phalanx of armed “Fruit of Islam” Muslim guards were absent. The officers ran into the building and up the stairs in search of the injured policeman.

Once all four were in the stairwell, the doors behind them were slammed shut and bolted. At that moment, more than a dozen black Muslims, shouting “Allahu Akbar!” charged down the stairs. The Muslims kicked and dragged their trapped quarry to the bottom of the stairs and then out into the vestibule where they beat, kicked and stomped the policemen to a gruesome pulp. With all four officers on the ground and the vestibule awash in blood, the Muslims managed to wrench service revolvers from two of the battered officers. One of them shot Officer Phil Cardillo in the chest at point-blank range.

As all this was happening, the police dispatcher received a call cancelling the original 10-13 (“assist police officer”) call and the policemen swarming toward the building turned back. But Officer Rudy Andre had already arrived and saw his comrade Vito Navarra lying outside the mosque, barely conscious. Andre assumed he was the “officer in distress” who had prompted the original call. Then Andre looked through the windows of the mosque’s doors and saw the three other officers still being stomped by Farrakhan’s Muslims. They were only yards away from him, but Andre couldn’t get to them because the mosque’s front doors were now bolted shut. After putting in an urgent call for backup, Andre shot through the door’s window to unlock the door and disperse the mob.

By now, the ambushed cops were so drenched in blood that Andre didn’t even realize Cardillo had been shot. The assailants all ran to the basement, with Andre in hot pursuit. There was only one way out, so the perpetrators were as trapped in the basement as the officers had been in the stairwell minutes earlier.

As police cars and ambulances arrived at the building, a crowd also
gathered to jeer at the police and throw rocks and burning garbage at them. The crowd cheered when the cops were carried from the mosque on stretchers.

Amazingly, Cardillo was still clinging to life when he got to the hospital. Five days later, he would be dead.

Another beaten cop, Victor Padilla, was convulsing so badly when he arrived at the emergency room that doctors and nurses had to hold him down. Blood poured from the socket where his left eye had been gouged out.

Navarra, the officer Andre had found lying in the street, was bruised, bleeding and missing teeth. But, unlike the others, he did not require emergency admittance to the triage unit. So he left the hospital and went back to the mosque to identify the assailants, who were being questioned in the basement where Andre had cornered them.

When Navarra walked in, bloody and tattered, several Muslims retreated to the back of the room. The guilty knew they were moments away from being positively identified. In addition to Chief of Detectives Albert Seedman, who was conducting the interviews, Farrakhan was present. As soon as he saw the pummeled cop, Farrakhan tried to get rid of him, imperiously announcing that he would not be able to guarantee Navarra’s safety “in this house of worship.”

Seedman shut Farrakhan down, saying, “Everyone in this basement, including you, is a suspect in the shooting and beating of New York cops. No one other than me will be making any decisions in regards to this case.”

But just as suddenly, Democratic congressman Charles Rangel materialized and informed Seedman that the police were to leave immediately. Deputy Police Commissioner Benjamin Ward—the first black man to hold that position—was in command, and he had just struck a deal with Rangel and Farrakhan: The cops would vacate the premises immediately, and in return Rangel and Farrakhan promised they would deliver the suspects to the police.

The police are still waiting.

Seedman refused to believe this was happening. But after a few phone calls, he got the order to vacate the premises directly from Commissioner Ward. He called Chief of Police Michael Codd to supersede the order, but the request was refused. Seedman called again and was told Codd had gone to lunch. With no other options, Seedman ordered the police to leave.

One black cop in the basement refused the order, saying, “There’s an attempted murderer down here, and he’s coming out attached to my cuffs.”
But as Rangel had smirkingly indicated to Seedman, the order had been approved by Ward’s boss, Police Commissioner Patrick Murphy. The cops were forced to clear out, walking past Muslims in the vestibule who were busily scrubbing the crime scene of evidence.

With Rangel operating as the mosque’s bouncer, Navarra was prevented from identifying the assailants, and an airtight case vanished into thin air.

Soon the crowd on the street had grown to more than a thousand strong. Burning garbage, bricks and bottles filled the air. A female journalist was knocked to the ground, stomped, sprayed with lighter fluid and set on fire. Reporters were beaten and their equipment smashed. Stores were looted and destroyed. A stalled bus full of terrified passengers was bombarded with rocks and bottles, as hoodlums smashed its windows and tried to stuff burning newspapers inside.

One of the officers at the mosque, Randy Jurgensen, author of the book about the mosque incident,
Circle of Six
, describes what happened as he exited the building:

We dropped our heads like fullbacks, squared our shoulders and surged forward.…They started to punch, kick and claw at us. I felt a horrific sting below my shoulder. Someone had bitten a chunk of skin out of my back.…

We made it to [the police car], slamming the doors and locking them. The keys weren’t in the car. BOOM! The windshield exploded, covering us in a million fine pieces of glass. If that wasn’t enough, burning rags soaked in gasoline were tossed in.…

Commissioner Ward responded to the melee by ordering all white cops to leave the scene. He was later made police commissioner by Mayor Ed Koch.

Farrakhan and Rangel’s promise turned out not to be one you could take to the bank. Despite assurances that they would personally escort everyone in the basement to the 24th Precinct, that never happened. A cop killer had been left in that basement on orders from Mayor John Lindsay’s politically correct City Hall.

In response to a murderous ambush of his police, Lindsay apologized to Farrakhan for the officers’ “invasion” of his mosque. The NYPD brass dirtied up the four cops by falsely portraying their entry into the mosque as unlawful and even implying that Cardillo had been killed by “friendly fire.”

Neither Lindsay nor Murphy attended Cardillo’s funeral, which was believed to be the first time a New York City mayor had not attended the funeral of a policemen killed in the line of duty.
6
Instead, Lindsay went skiing in Utah. Murphy took a “business trip” to London with his wife.

Murphy did have time, however, to meet with Farrakhan at police headquarters in order to apologize for the police’s mistake in entering the mosque. Murphy would later describe Farrakhan as a man of “clear conviction, speaking in tones of deep resonance, whose larger style was not entirely confrontational.”
7
Of course, he hadn’t responded to the 911 call.

An open-and-shut investigation into a savage, premeditated cop killing had been shut down by a Democratic congressman.
8
If you’ve ever wondered how thorough a news blackout can be, and to what extent a politician can skate away from controversy, Rangel’s knee-deep involvement in the Harlem mosque incident is a perfect example.

The
New York Times
sprang to action decades later by relentlessly flogging Representative Rangel on its front page. Not for covering up the murder of a policeman but for cheating on his taxes. Tax collection is a serious matter! But don’t expect the
Times
to go after Rangel for protecting a cop killer.

The
Times
’s 2011 obituary for Patrick Murphy, the police chief who had conspired with Rangel and Farrakhan to cover up the coldblooded murder of a police officer, hailed Murphy as “a nationally recognized police figure with a track record that extended to Washington and Detroit.” (If you were a police chief, would you put those two cities on your resumé?) The
Times
described Murphy as the man who “steer[ed] [the New York Police Department] through one of its rockiest periods as he instituted reforms to root out corruption in the ranks.”

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