Authors: Michela Fontana
Apart from these instances of primacy, the comparison of Chinese and Western mathematics is both difficult and completely meaningless, according to many scholars, as the two disciplines developed with different characteristics. Even if Ricci had had the opportunity to read the Chinese treatises on mathematics, he would have found it hard to understand their value. The Chinese approach was in fact more concrete than that of the Greeks, who laid the foundations of mathematics in the West. Described as possessing practical and empirical genius by Joseph Needham, a scholar of Chinese science, the Chinese were oriented toward algebra rather than geometry, were more interested in calculation than hypothetical-deductive procedure, and preferred analogical reasoning to a succession of logical steps.
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While Greek treatises provided a systematic and logically organized exposition of the subject under examination, Chinese works tended to present and solve specific problems.
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These cultural differences did nothing to deter Qu Taisu, who forgot all about alchemy and developed a keen interest in Western mathematics. On being asked to continue the lessons, Ricci decided that the time had come to teach him Euclid’s
Elements
in the Latin translation by Clavius that he had brought from Italy. Having made a thorough study of the work at the Roman College, he agreed with the German Jesuit in regarding it as the most important text for anyone beginning mathematics. The value of the
Elements
lay not only in its content but also in the hypothetical-deductive method in terms of which the results were organized and presented. Starting from a list of definitions of the key elements, such as the point and the straight line, and a series of postulates or nondemonstrable assertions, Euclid proved over five hundred theorems and provided the greatest example of logical rigor achieved by Greek mathematics.
The style of the text was something completely new for Qu Taisu, who thought of numbers and geometric figures as concrete objects rather than Euclid’s abstract idealizations. As noted above, while methods of reasoning and written proofs had been developed in China,
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a concept of hypothetical-deductive geometric demonstration comparable to the Greek had not, and mathematical assertions were often proved in a very concrete way.
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For example, the Pythagorean theorem that the square on the hypotenuse of a right triangle is equal to the sum of the squares on the two adjacent sides can be proved either on the basis of geometric properties deduced from axioms and other theorems or by means of the procedure presented in an ancient Chinese text, which involves constructing a right triangle and the squares on the hypotenuse and the other two sides and showing concretely by cutting out and arranging the relevant pieces of the figures that the surfaces in question match precisely as asserted by the theorem.
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Exposed for the first time to the style of Euclid’s demonstrations, Qu Taisu developed a passion for geometry and devoted himself to his studies. Ricci was pleased to see that the scholar “never tired of learning” and spent “day and night over his books.” Under Ricci’s guidance, he translated the first of the fifteen books of the
Elements
in the Clavius edition into Chinese. The manuscript, which has not survived, is generally considered the first attempt to introduce Euclidean geometry into China, even though historians
of science suggest that a translation was made during the Yuan era into the Mongolian language, no trace of which now remains.
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Qu Taisu stayed in Shaozhou a whole year to attend Ricci’s lessons, and he also learned the basics of astronomy from a commentary by Clavius on Johannes de Sacrobosco’s
De Sphaera mundi
, the renowned exposition of the Ptolemaic geocentric conception of the universe written in 1233 but still studied in the sixteenth century. The young Chinese scholar copied its illustrations and verified the calculations with ever-increasing assurance.
Now convinced of the value of Western science, Qu Taisu went so far—at least according to Ricci—as to assert that after studying with the Jesuit, Chinese books were like “men with no brain” by comparison with those of the West.
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The master followed up this crash course in theory with practice, explaining the working principles of mechanical clocks and scientific instruments like quadrants and astrolabes to Qu Taisu and teaching him how to construct rudimentary celestial globes of wood, brass, and silver. The Jesuit devoted his energies to his enthusiastic student nearly all day and moved seamlessly back and forth between scientific and religious instruction. Qu Taisu proved an attentive student also of the foundations of the Christian doctrine and used a small book to make note of queries regarding catechism to be submitted to Ricci.
The Jesuit was pleased with his pupil’s progress and believed that he was now ripe for conversion to Catholicism, in this case as a carefully considered decision based on rational conviction. There was, however, one obstacle that the Jesuit had underestimated. In order to join the Christian religion, Qu Taisu would be obliged either to marry or to repudiate his concubine, as the missionaries explained clearly. Marriage with a woman of lower social class was a violation of the rules governing Chinese society and hence was out of the question. At the same time, the scholar had no intention of leaving the woman who, he hoped, would provide the son his wife had been unable to give him. Faced with this dilemma, Ricci’s first Chinese friend preferred to forgo baptism, and the missionary was obliged to resign himself to this decision.
Social Relations and Popular Hostility
Ricci’s friendship with a
shidafu
with excellent connections in Chinese society enabled him to make the acquaintance of many influential figures. The
guanxi
, or network of personal relations, was indispensable to establishing social position in China, and Ricci was received with the utmost consideration when introduced as the friend and master of Qu Taisu. Through his contacts with personages in the civilian and military worlds, the Jesuit began to form a deeper understanding of Chinese society and realized that the military authorities, while enjoying privileges, were devoid of political influence and were inferior in status to government officials. While access to military positions was also through a system of highly selective examinations, the designated examiners were
shidafu
with no experience in the martial field, thus providing further proof that the knowledge of Confucian literati was considered superior to any specialized skill. Like the bureaucracy, the military hierarchy was divided into nine levels, each of which was represented by the emblem of a ferocious animal embroidered on ceremonial garments: lions for the ninth and eighth levels; tigers, leopards, and bears down to the fifth; panthers for the fourth and third; and rhinoceroses for the second. The seahorse was the far less intimidating badge of the first level.
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The more Ricci established his position in the local society, the more visits he received from dignitaries passing through the town on the river who were curious to make his acquaintance. The Jesuit was able to hold conversations with ever-increasing naturalness and now also understood the local dialect, an indispensable means of communication with peasants and shopkeepers. One of the visitors was a son of the governor who had expelled the Jesuits from Zhaoqing, who showed the missionaries all the respect and consideration his father had denied them. The most frequent callers included Su Dayong, the district magistrate of nearby Yingde, who invited Ricci to his home to meet his aged father. The Jesuit accepted the invitation together with Qu Taisu, and his visit to Yingde was a major event in the calm life of that small town. The magistrate held a sumptuous banquet, with music in his honor, at which all the local dignitaries were present. The mandarin’s father had a long conversation with Ricci and was so impressed by his personality as to remain in contact by letter for the rest of his life.
On his return to Shaozhou, Ricci was relieved to learn that the new prefect Xie Tianqing was a good friend of Qu Taisu. Proof of the mandarin’s goodwill soon arrived in the form of an edict to be displayed at the residence as a deterrent to any hostile action.
Even though everything seemed to be going smoothly, the Jesuit was concerned about Almeida. The younger missionary suffered from poor health, he found the climate practically unbearable, and he had a tormented relationship with his faith that led to the self-infliction of such corporal penances that Ricci was obliged to keep watch over him so as to avoid useless excesses. Having fallen seriously ill, Ricci’s young companion left for Macao to be treated by the Portuguese doctors there and did not return until a few months later, still convalescent and severely weakened. A relapse soon proved fatal, and Almeida passed away on October 17, 1591. Ricci was not alone for long, being joined before the end of the year by Francesco de Petris, aged twenty-nine, from the town of Rieti in Italy, who seemed to adapt to the climate much better than his ill-fated predecessor. Meanwhile, Qu Taisu, having completed his fruitful period of study, had returned to Nanxiong to take care of his affairs, but he kept in contact with his master by letter, assuring him that he had not abandoned mathematics and providing him detailed reports of discussions he had about Euclid’s geometry with his scholarly friends.
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A rich merchant with Buddhist leanings from the same town as Qu Taisu had stayed at the missionaries’ house for a month during a visit to Shaozhou and had been converted. Now baptized a Christian with the name of Joseph, he invited Ricci to spend a few days in Nanxiong. The Jesuit accepted and was the guest of his friend Qu Taisu for a week in February 1592. When he saw Joseph again, he discovered that after his conversion the merchant had abandoned his family and his thriving business and was living as a hermit in the mistaken belief that the new religion he had joined required the renunciation of all worldly goods. Ricci was dismayed, as he intended to seek new converts during his stay in Nanxiong, and he was afraid that this example might discourage others from following his teaching. His fears proved groundless, however, as his preaching aroused great interest.
Ricci met many of the local dignitaries in the town on the river and was forced into a very active social life. He used a closed litter to speed his progress through the crowded streets by avoiding curiosity and attempts to stop him, but the stratagem did not always work and the doors were often opened by people suspecting his presence inside and intent on viewing him in the flesh. Without a moment’s respite, Ricci often spent the entire day and much of the night discussing religious or cultural themes, barely finding the time to eat, say his prayers, and celebrate Mass. Individual visits were combined with the inevitable banquets held in his honor, sometimes even four or five in the same day. The missionary rushed from one to another, tasting each of the numerous dishes every time so as to avoid giving offence. All this hard work was rewarded, as many inhabitants of Nanxiong asked Ricci to initiate them into the new Western religion and were to receive baptism. Despite his best efforts not to accept converts with no more than a superficial indoctrination, he was obviously forced to do so on occasion. On his return to Shaozhou, well pleased with the success of his trip out of town, he learned that the governor of the Guangdong province, the hated
guan
responsible for expelling
the missionaries from Zhaoqing, had been accused of corruption by the impe
rial censor and sentenced to pay a fine but had died suddenly before settling his debt with justice. While his death freed the Jesuits from an adversary who could still have done them harm, new enemies were busy preparing hostile actions against the missionaries in Shaozhou too.
The first episode of intolerance took place the previous year, in January 1591, when Ricci exhibited an image of the Virgin, which he had received as a gift from the Spanish authorities, in the chapel in concomitance with the celebrations of the Chinese New Year. A small crowd of local inhabitants rushed to see the painting, but some young men took advantage of the confusion to throw stones at the residence and attack the servants. The prefect issued an edict deploring the event, and having identified the guilty parties as the sons of local dignitaries, he declared his readiness to put them on trial. But Ricci decided against pressing charges to show his capacity for forgiveness. A year and a half went by, but then, one night in July 1592, the residence was attacked by a group of over twenty armed men who tried to break down the doors with axes, wounding De Petris in the head and Ricci in the hand. The missionaries were forced to barricade themselves in their rooms. Ricci jumped out of the window to seek help, but he tripped in the darkness and severely twisted his ankle. Even though no one came to the Jesuits’ aid, the servants’ strenuous defense of the house finally put the attackers to flight. It was an easy matter to discover that they were also the ones responsible for the incident the previous year. The prefect was again ready to try them, but Ricci preferred to forgive them once more. When Valignano, on returning from Japan, was informed of the attack and of Ricci’s injury, he summoned him to Macao for treatment by the Portuguese doctors, but nothing could be done for the Jesuit’s ankle. Even though the pain subsided over the years, Ricci was no longer able to travel long distances on foot.
On his return to Shaozhou, Ricci discovered that his benevolence toward the attackers had been interpreted as weakness and that relatives of the accused were plotting to have the Jesuits expelled from the city. He decided to scare his enemies by threatening to ask the prefect to punish the guilty parties, whereupon the false accusations were promptly withdrawn.
Three years had now gone by since the move to Shaozhou, and Ricci was able to draw up an initial balance sheet of missionary work in the second Chinese residence, where twenty-two converts had been baptized. Determined as he was to seek quality rather than quantity, and keenly aware that China was a difficult country to conquer, the Jesuit was not overly concerned about the smallness of the number. As he wrote to Superior General Acquaviva on November 15, 1592,
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in an “uncultivated wilderness” like China, it was still necessary to break open the crust of the land before sowing could commence.