Lady Gregory's Toothbrush (5 page)

The cattle raid in Coole did not take place, however, as a settlement was negotiated, Lady Gregory and Fr Fahy working as intermediaries. Robert, who was away, owned the estate and the rents were his income. “I hope you think I have done right,” she wrote to him, “I have done what I think best for your happiness.” This is the key to
understand
her role as landlord at Coole. The cold, ruthless tone in her letters to Yeats and Robert about the tenants was not because she was a landlord's daughter who could not shake off this tone. She held Coole for Robert. It was his heritage and his inheritance. No matter how she changed in other areas, she remained steadfast in this. It was her duty and she believed in doing her duty more than anything. She merely invented other duties, and when these seemed to conflict with her primary duty, her tone grew steely.

In 1910, in
The Green Helmet and Other Poems,
Yeats wrote twelve lines about Lady Gregory's plight as a landlord. The poem made no apology; it was Yeats at his most lofty. It was called “Upon a House Shaken by the Land Agitation”: 

How should the world be luckier if this house,

Where passion and precision have been one

Time out of mind, became too ruinous

To breed the lidless eye that loves the sun?

And the sweet laughing eagle thoughts that grow

Where wings have memory of wings, and all

That comes of the best knit to the best? […]

L
ady Gregory's mixture of high ideals and natural haughtiness gave her an inflexibility and sturdy
determination
that were invaluable when dealing with those who opposed her. Her gifts to govern men, her passion and precision, as Yeats put it, came into their own in the early years of the twentieth century when she became involved with the Abbey Theatre. She won her battles, partly because she kept her eye fiercely on her primary aim: to create a theatre that would add dignity to Ireland.

Her first battle was with Miss Horniman, the
tea-heiress
from Manchester who bankrolled the theatre in its early days and made great demands on the management and fellow directors while also making a pitch for the affections of W.B. Yeats. In many letters to Yeats, Lady Gregory deplored Miss Horniman's “vulgar arrogance and bullying” and suggested that she “should be locked up”. She also called her “cracked”, “a blood sucker”, “a crocodile”,
“the Saxon shilling”, “wicked”, “a mad woman”, “insane” and “a raving lunatic”. If this was not enough to dislodge her, Lady Gregory pulled rank. “I have never treated her as an equal”, she wrote to Yeats, “without regretting it.” And later: “I think it is a mistake treating tradespeople as if they had one's own table of values.”

Miss Horniman took particular exception to the Abbey's remaining open on the death of Edward V11 in 1910. Lady Gregory was at Coole when she received the news of the king's death from Lennox Robinson. Her telegram – “should close through courtesy” – did not arrive in time for the matinee, and Robinson, whose decision-making processes were a constant scourge to Lady Gregory, decided that since the matinee had taken place, the evening performance should go on as well. Miss
Horniman
was opposed to the use of the theatre for political purposes and saw the non-closure as a political act; she sent many angry messages and threatened as usual to
withdraw
her subsidy. When it was suggested that Lady
Gregory
might have sent her telegram as a way of placating Miss Horniman, Lady Gregory grew very dignified and grand. She was no longer “the woman of the house that has to be minding the place, and listening to complaints and dividing her share of food”. “My impulse was to close,” she wrote, “but I thought I might be prejudiced by the fact of the King having been a personal friend of my
husband, who had been his host and his guest and had received presents from him and being made by him a
member
of the Marlborough Club. But certainly in the few minutes I took to decide and to write my answer ‘should close through courtesy' the idea of Miss Horniman or any letter of hers did not come into my mind at all.”

This hauteur and invective were accompanied over
several
years by Lady Gregory's slow and deliberate
preparations
to have Miss Horniman removed. While Miss Horniman ranted and raved, Lady Gregory never lost her nerve. By early 1911, she had succeeded.

The actors were easier. Lady Gregory was tireless in her efforts to keep them in their place. She had a barm brack made for them regularly in Gort. Maire Ní
Shiubhlaigh
, or Miss Walker as Lady Gregory called her, wrote that “it was a huge cart-wheel of a fruit cake, filled with the richest ingredients, made specially by her own bakers at Gort for the casts of any of her new plays. It was a huge affair of several pounds weight and usually took two to carry in. It must have been two feet in circumference, and fully eight inches in depth.” Her brack became part of the folklore of the Abbey Theatre. Willie Fay, one of her
leading
actors, called it “the father and mother of a brack … A single slice of one of those Gort barm bracks was as good as a meal.” Brinsley MacNamara, however, took a dim view of the brack: “It came in time to be regarded in
an unkindly and suspicious way as something that had a sort of feudal touch about it, the kind of thing that grand ladies sometimes supplied for high jinks in the servants' hall. So great lumps of it would remain untaken and be
relegated
to the scene dock for consumption by the stage hands.”

Many of Lady Gregory's letters to Yeats and journal entries are made up of accounts of the firm grip she was keeping on the actors, her war against the antics of Miss Allgood or the petulance of Miss Walker, the absence or indeed the presence of Miss Magee, the demands of the Fay brothers or Vaughan, and other pieces of
insubordination
or demands for more money by Miss Drago, Miss O'Dougherty and Miss Malony. “I have very little hope of keeping Fay,” she wrote to Yeats in 1907, “and would not keep him but on the understanding that we are employers and he employed … I would certainly dismiss Vaughan but we must think what excuse is best – it might be best to say we are offended by his acting.” She cast a cold eye on all newcomers. In February 1916 she wrote to Yeats that a new actress, “Mrs Cruise O'Brien, was as bad as could be, with no redeeming point, amateurish, clumsy and revolting in appearance”.

What the actors and actresses throught of Lady
Gregory
in turn may be gleaned from the memoirs of Maire Ní Shiubhlaigh. Lady Gregory, she wrote, would come to
Dublin when a new play was to be read by the Abbey
players
. She would take rooms in a hotel, “entertaining lavishly during her stay”. Lady Gregory “inisted on reading over selected pieces to us in her hotel drawing room”, Maire Ní Shiubhlaigh remembered. “Her odd lisping voice had a peculiar effect on speeches, especially those of the poetic sort, and, later, the lilting lines of J.M. Synge, which
suffered
much through her pronunciation. I think she rather fancied herself as an actress … But she was a pleasant if at times rather condescending person, who treated us all as children in need of special advice.”

Lady Gregory's condescending manner, and her
readiness
to do battle, and her tough attitude towards
opposition
, made all the difference when the artistic integrity of the Abbey Theatre was under attack. The importance of Yeats's and Lady Gregory's collaboration at the Abbey was not so much that words of theirs sent out certain men the English shot, but that during the time when they ran the theatre a number of enduring masterpieces were produced, notably the plays of Synge and O'Casey, and also George Bernard Shaw's
The Shewing-up of Blanco Posnet.

Both Yeats and Lady Gregory maintained their
relationship
to a peasant culture they had dreamed into being and at the same time made no effort to repudiate their own Anglo-Irish heritage. This gave them an enormous
advantage
in both Ireland and London: they were members of a
ruling class who lost none of their edge or high manners or old friends while espousing a new politics and a new art in Ireland. They were independent and they did what they liked, subject to no peer-group or class pressure. It was the mixture of ambiguity and arrogance in their position which made them ready for the exemplary battles they were now to fight for artistic freedom in Ireland, the right to stage the plays of Synge, Shaw and O'Casey. They, and no one else, had the strength of will and the class
confidence
and the belief in their cause to do battle with the
Playboy
rioters, the Catholic Church, the Lord Lieutenant and, when the time came, the new Irish state.

 

L
ady Gregory first saw John Millington Synge in 1898. “I first saw him”, she later wrote, “in the North Island of Aran. I was staying there, gathering folklore
talking
to the people, and felt a real pang of indignation when I passed another outsider walking here and there, talking also to the people. I was jealous of not being alone on the island among the fishers and seaweed gatherers. I did not speak to the stranger nor was he inclined to speak to me. He also looked on me as an intruder.” Lady Gregory was forty-six; Synge was twenty-seven. He was a middle-class Protestant and, in Roy Foster's phrase, “an apprentice bohemian”. He, like Lady Gregory, had proselytizing
Protestantism in his background, his uncle having been the first Protestant missionary on the Aran Islands. Both he and Lady Gregory had mothers who were addicted to
salvation
. Yeats had already met him in Paris, and soon he was invited to Coole.

Synge was a great mystery: solitary, detached,
over-educated
, watchful. The exuberance and depth of feeling in his work were strangely absent from his personality. His sophistication, his irony and his wide reading responded warmly to the speech patterns, the way of life and the landscape he found in the west of Ireland. He had, Lady Gregory wrote, “done no good work until he came back to his own country. It was there that he found all he wanted, fable, emotion, style … bringing a cultured mind to a mass of primitive material, putting clearer and lasting form to the clumsily expressed emotion of a whole countryside.” Synge did not make his characters simple or charming or harmless, nor did he seek to stir up national feeling, unless uproarious laughter and wild paganism were forms of national feeling. Although he did not seem to have any special wish, in Lady Gregory's phrase, to add dignity to Ireland, he wrote with feeling and awe and tenderness about the “folk-imagination of these fine people” in rural Ireland. In his Preface to
The
Playboy of the Western World
he wrote that “anyone who has lived in real intimacy with the Irish peasantry will know that the wildest sayings and ideas
in the play are tame indeed, compared with the fancies one may hear in any hillside cabin in Geesala, or Carraroe, or Dingle Bay”. Despite Synge's invocation of the people, it was clear that the young men who had crowded in to see
Cathleen Ni Houlihan
, growing slowly more militant and
confident
in the years that followed its production, were going to be greatly offended by Synge's plays.

The Shadow of the Glen
, in which a woman runs away with a tramp, was first performed in 1903, and caused a deep rift between Yeats and Lady Gregory on one side and diehard nationalists – including Arthur Griffith, who founded Sinn Féin in that year – on the other. Griffith wrote that the play was “a story invented by the wits of decadent Greece and introduced, with amendments, into Latin
literature
by the most infamous of Roman writers, Petronius Arbiter, the pander of Nero … Mr Synge's Nora Burke [who runs away with the tramp] is not an Irish Nora Burke, his play is not a work of genius – Irish or otherwise – it is a foul echo from degenerate Greece.” Maud Gonne also joined the attack: “Mr Yeats asks for freedom for the theatre, freedom even from patriotic captivity. I would ask for freedom for it from one thing more deadly than all else – freedom from the insidious and destructive tyranny of foreign influence.” Yeats's response to the attacks included an article called “The National Theatre and Three Sorts of Ignorance”. The second sort of ignorance was, he wrote,
“the more ignorant sort of priest, who forgetful of the great traditions of the Church, would deny all ideas that might perplex a parish of farmers or artisans or
half-educated
shopkeepers”. This was published in the
United
Ir
ishman.
“For a liberal Protestant to refer to Catholicism this way in public”, Roy Foster wrote, “broke one of the taboos which sustained the uneasy collusions of Irish life; if to some his stance seemed self-regarding and amoral, to others his language smacked of the Protestant Ascendancy at its most contemptuous.”

Yeats's third sort of ignorance was that of “the
politicians
, and not always of the most ignorant sort, who would reject every idea which is not of immediate service to his cause”. Towards the end of 1906, all three sorts of ignorance heard a rumour that there was a new Synge play in closed rehearsal at the Abbey Theatre which was likely to be even more offensive than
The Shadow of the Glen.

What remains fascinating about the riots and
controversies
surrounding
The Playboy of the Western World
is how, once under pressure, the founders of the Abbey Theatre reverted to their Ascendancy and Protestant backgrounds. It was as though they forgot the transformation they had made in themselves, and behaved like a reformed alcoholic on a short spree. The old Fenian John O'Leary had warned Yeats that in Ireland you must have either the
Fenians
or the Church on your side. In writing
The Countess
 
Cathleen
, his first play, he had alienated elements in the Church; in staging
The Shadow of the Glen
he had alienated elements in the Fenians. Now, in one fell swoop, he had alienated both.

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