Earl Ralph gathered the forces of his earldom and met the combined forces of Gruffydd and Aelfgar outside Hereford. Ralph was defeated and the victorious army went on to sack the town itself on 24 October. Chronicle C attributes Earl Ralph’s defeat to his attempts to employ English troops in an unnatural role as cavalry, but it appears rather that he was merely unlucky or incompetent, as with the fleet in 1052. After all, English infantry forces had themselves suffered a series of defeats by Gruffydd in 1039, 1049 and 1052, and would be beaten again in the future. Nevertheless, this military disaster forced King Edward to summon assistance, from beyond Ralph’s earldom, to defend the border. This force was led by Earl Harold of Wessex, as the senior earl in England and also perhaps because Earl Leofric was not trusted to oppose his own son effectively. Indeed, the wording of the Chronicle that Harold’s army consisted of ‘a force . . . collected from very nearly all England’ may suggest the absence of Mercian troops.
10
This was Harold’s first major campaign as a commander and he moved cautiously. He advanced a short way into Welsh territory, causing Gruffydd to fall back into South Wales to avoid battle with Harold’s superior forces. The latter then fortified Hereford against future attacks and opened negotiations with the invaders. This may seem a rather unspectacular start to Harold’s military career, but it gained the necessary objective of achieving peace. If he had risked an advance further into Wales, a disaster might have resulted in view of Gruffydd’s past successes, especially if Harold’s force indeed lacked the active backing of Mercian troops. It should be noted that it is Chronicle C, supposedly anti-Godwinist, which provides details of Earl Harold’s successful actions on this campaign.
The terms reached at the meeting between the two sides, held at Billingsley, are only revealed in the sources as they relate to England. Thus Aelfgar was restored to his earldom of East Anglia, but at the price of accepting Tosti’s retention of Northumbria. The suggestion that Gyrth had received part of East Anglia during Aelfgar’s exile, as stated by the
Vita Eadwardi
, seems unlikely. Presumably, Gruffydd of Wales also gained something, probably some border territory, possibly Archenfield. There are hints in the later Domesday Book of English lands which had fallen into Gruffydd’s hands, but, not surprisingly perhaps, nothing is recorded in the contemporary English sources. In return, Gruffydd must have agreed not to raid English territory in the future and to accept Edward’s overlordship. This must have seemed a poor return, as the potential threat he presented to England remained undiminished. However, the important thing at this point was to separate him from his dangerous alliance with Aelfgar and this had been achieved, at least for the present. The problem arising from Tosti’s succession to Northumbria had been resolved peacefully, and the equilibrium of the kingdom was restored. Such a statesmanlike arrangement achieved with minimal risk sits well with Harold’s patient character, as described in the
Vita Eadwardi
.
11
On 10 February 1056 Athelstan, Bishop of Hereford, died, perhaps as a result of old age, but more likely because of the trauma of the burning of his minster by the Welsh. King Edward took the opportunity to appoint as bishop in his place a man who could bolster the defences of the area against the Welsh threat where Earl Ralph had failed. The man chosen was Leofgar, who had been Harold’s personal chaplain, and no doubt Harold advised on the appointment. This should not be seen as an intervention in Church affairs in the same sense as when Earl Godwine intervened in the Canterbury election of 1051, on behalf of his kinsman Aethelric. The reason for the appointment this time was clearly related to the need to select someone to undertake effective border defence. What was required was a bishop trained in worldly arts and able to defend his flock, as Bishop Ealdred of neighbouring Worcester had been called upon to do in 1049. Such a man was unlikely to be found among King Edward’s more scholarly clerks, and Leofgar was therefore chosen as a more suitable candidate. He was soon to justify the choice, if not quite as originally desired.
12
The monks who compiled the Chronicle entries clearly disapproved of Leofgar, but not, it would appear, because of his relationship to Earl Harold or because of any influence the latter may have brought to bear on his appointment. The tone of their accounts clearly reveals their disapproval of the warlike character of a man who was even more militant than Bishop Ealdred or Abbot Aethelwig of Evesham, both of whom led military forces at times. It was clearly felt that Leofgar was unsuitable as a bishop, especially, perhaps, replacing as he did such a saintly old man as Athelstan. In reality, Leofgar’s fault lay not in his military outlook, but in the rashness which led him to campaign into Wales against Gruffydd without support. As a result, he was slain at Glasbury-on-Wye on 16 June 1056, along with Sheriff Aelfnoth of Hereford and a large part of their forces. The presence of the sheriff suggests that this had been a local expedition drawn from the shire itself. This was clearly not part of the plan behind his appointment by the king. In view of Harold’s reluctance to advance far into Wales even with more men, it seems unlikely he would have wished Bishop Leofgar to do so with only the men of the shire. The raid may have been intended to recover the district of Archenfield, which was probably among the areas lost to Gruffydd the previous year and which had belonged to Leofgar’s bishopric, but the result was disastrous. Earls Harold and Leofric and Bishop Ealdred gathered to protect the border in the wake of this defeat, but no attempt was made to advance into Wales, in spite of their much larger forces. Instead, as in the previous year, negotiations were opened which resulted in the English recognizing Gruffydd as King of All Wales in return for his acceptance of Edward as his overlord. Again, Harold fulfilled the role of diplomat rather than warrior, but the threat from Gruffydd, though temporarily stilled, remained.
13
With the menace of Gruffydd momentarily pacified, affairs of state were once more focused on the succession when news arrived of the death of Emperor Henry III on5 October 1056. It was at once decided to make another effort to bring about the return of
Atheling
Edward from Hungary. We have seen above how Bishop Ealdred’s earlier mission had failed as a result of Henry III’s conflict with Hungary. The latter was now removed from the scene, and it was no doubt hoped that the regency council for his young son, Henry IV, might have different priorities. Fortunately, this proved to be the case and the dispute between the Empire and Andrew I of Hungary ended in a compromise treaty soon after. It was felt, therefore, that the time was ripe for another attempt to bring about Edward’s return. This time it appears that Earl Harold himself was chosen to perform the vital mission, which it was hoped would finally secure the royal succession.
14
Although none of the contempory sources refer directly to Harold’s involvement in this mission, there are indications which point to it. A
Haroldi Ducis
is found among the witnesses of a diploma issued by Count Baldwin V of Flanders, Harold’s brother-in-law, on 13 November 1056 at St Omer. Harold’s presence in Flanders so soon after news of the Emperor’s death may indicate that he had already set out on the first stage of his mission. From St Omer, Count Baldwin himself proceeded to Cologne, where on 5 December 1056 he arranged peace terms with Agnes of Poitiers, Regent of the Empire, on behalf of her son Henry IV. Harold probably joined Count Baldwin and his party in order to be introduced to the Regent, and to gain an opportunity to explain his mission to her. At Cologne he was probably successful in gaining the support of the Regent and possibly of Pope Victor II, who was also present.
The Imperial party then travelled to Regensburg on the Danube for Christmas, and it was here that Harold probably first opened negotiations with the Hungarian King Andrew I, and then perhaps with
Atheling
Edward himself. However, a great deal required to be discussed and considered before the
atheling
would consent to return to what was, after all, a strange land. He no doubt had to be persuaded of the safety of his person and of his family. King Andrew, likewise, had to be persuaded to release the
atheling
, and was possibly offered gifts or bribes to aid his decision.
While awaiting a response, Harold may have accompanied Pope Victor on his return to Rome for Easter 1057. The
Vita Eadwardi
refers, in a difficult passage, to Harold visiting Rome after conducting business in what is termed ‘Frankish’ country, and this may reflect a faint echo of this mission. The verity of Harold’s visit to Rome has been doubted, but it would be foolish for the author of the
Vita Eadwardi
, a source close to his family, to lie about this. The much later
Vita Haroldi
, in an account which shows much confusion with his brother Tosti’s own visit to Rome, refers to Harold collecting relics in Rome and a surviving Waltham Abbey relic list seems to provide some confirmation of this by recording a number of items which may have come from Rome. Thereafter, Harold may have returned by way of Bavaria, where he collected
Atheling
Edward and his family, who had finally made up their mind to return, and from whence he escorted them back to England.
14
Apart from the fact that Harold was in Flanders in November 1056, and that he is known to have visited Rome, there exists no direct evidence for these events. The record of religious relics donated by Harold to his church at Waltham provides some evidence that he may have visited the regions of Europe covered by a journey like that outlined. He is known to have obtained relics from Ghent, Aachen, Cologne, and Worms, perhaps en route from St Omer to Regensburg, and similarly he collected items from Metz, Rheims, Noyon and St Riquier, which he could have visited on his return journey. It is possible, of course, that Harold merely sent agents to collect these relics, but it is perhaps too much of a coincidence that the pieces all originate from places which could have been on his route. Of course, the relics could have been collected on other journeys and at other times, but if so it is difficult to place these in Harold’s busy career.
15
Aside from this circumstantial evidence, proof of Harold’s journey to seek out
Atheling
Edward rests largely on the coincidence of events and probability. What can be said is that Harold is not recorded as being anywhere else between his presence around July/August 1056 on the Welsh border and sometime before September 1057, when
Atheling
Edward probably arrived in England. The
atheling
’s return is entered in the Chronicle immediately prior to the death of Earl Leofric which occurred on 30 September 1057. After the failure of Ealdred’s earlier mission, it is certain that someone with considerable diplomatic skill and great prestige was required, first to smooth the passage to Hungary, then to persuade the
atheling
to return, and finally to escort him safely back. After his recent diplomatic achievements in Wales and given his position as a trusted servant of King Edward, Harold was surely an obvious choice.
Unfortunately,
Atheling
Edward had not long arrived back in England when he died unexpectedly in London, sometime before September 1057. Chronicle D expresses great dismay at this event, but this should not be read as signifying suspicion of an unnatural death. The many hopes for the future which rested on Edward, only to be dashed when he died so soon after his return, are surely enough to justify this reaction by the chronicler. He had spent some forty years in exile and undertaken a return journey of 800 miles but died before he could even meet his uncle, King Edward.
16
Although disappointing for those anticipating his return,
Atheling
Edward’s death did not unduly disturb the succession as his young son, Edgar, had arrived safely with the family party. Within a decade or so this boy would be old enough to succeed and could, in this time, be prepared for kingship. In the meantime, other candidates, such as Earl Ralph, were still available in case of any further accidents of fate. The succession had finally been secured, as had been required since 1050. Although King Edward and Queen Edith could not have children of their own, the safe arrival of young Edgar and his two sisters provided them with a ready-made family, and the kingdom with an heir. Confirmation of Edgar’s position is provided by the designation
atheling
found in all the sources and signifying his status as prospective heir, and by the Chronicle’s later reference to the kingship as ‘his proper due’.
17
This same year of 1057 brought other deaths among men of note, and consequent changes in the English polity. On 30 September Earl Leofric, the last of Cnut’s great earls, died and his son, Aelfgar, succeeded to his Mercian earldom. This succession was not made by hereditary right but rather as a result of a decision by the king. However, as in the case of Harold’s succession to Wessex, the decision was a natural one given Aelfgar’s succession to his father’s lands and his influence in the region. In turn, it was probably now that Gyrth, brother of Earls Harold and Tosti, gained East Anglia in succession to Aelfgar. On 21 December Earl Ralph, Edward’s nephew, also died, leaving an infant son called Harold, who remained a minor in the wardship of Queen Edith until 1066. It was vital for Ralph’s earldom to be held by someone who could defend the western part of it from the still present threat of Gruffydd of Wales. Earl Aelfgar was not chosen as it was unlikely that he would have been welcomed by the men of Hereford, whose shire he had ravaged the year before; Harold’s younger brothers were not chosen either as they had no military or diplomatic experience. Instead, Earl Harold appears to have absorbed that part of Ralph’s earldom which abutted Wales, including Gloucestershire and Herefordshire. It was probably at this time, or perhaps early in 1058, that King Edward appointed Earl Harold’s other brother, Leofwine, to an inland earldom free from the threat of invasion carved out of the eastern part of Ralph’s earldom. The redistribution of comital authority in this period is complex and the results are discussed in greater detail in Appendix Two.
18