Authors: Nir Baram
The Belorussian yearns for the past glory of the Polish-Lithuanian Union, influenced by Soviet Communism to the east and, from the west of Belorussia, by the ideas of French democracy. A reactionary tendency is also interwoven in his essence, the source of which is in forced religious conversion, as well as the shells of religion and morality. Materialism as a form of oppression can ignite in him the aspiration for freedom, given that new structuresâ¦
Indeed, ideas from the French model, slightly modified, would fit in here. Grind the formative experiences of the Polish national type and stir them into the history of Belorussia: didn't everyone's desires ultimately conform with a few simple trends? Sometimes, in flashes of clarity, he suspected that his handiwork was a kind of secret code comprehensible to him alone, and that he should be worried about the consequences when Weller read the report. But worrying about Weller and his gang only made his mind cloud over.
This unrelenting shriek of panic, waking and in dreams, proclaimed to him that from now on his life would always be like this. Whatever had gone wrong in his soul could not be repaired. He should bury his old dreams and hopes and be content with his grey future in which he sat day after day in his good clothing by the charcoal stove piling up mountains of pointless words.
He had never imagined how murderous defeat could be. And now something in his soul sought it, rushed upon it with ferocious power, and used it to obliterate his contact with the world. He had always flourished in the company of others, and now any human connection demanded a huge effort. Even remembering people in Berlin allowed him only to imagine the look they would give him when they saw him again, a look of simple recognition: this man was lost.
BREST
DECEMBER 1940
âWe've done wonderful work here,' exclaimed Nikita Mikhailovich Kropotkin before adjourning the morning meeting. Sasha's report about new schools in the city had encouraged him. âSeventeen schools and professional colleges, excellent education. When the Poles ruled here, most of the schools were private. Every day I receive letters of gratitude from people who couldn't afford tuition.'
âNikita Mikhailovich, there are no more social divisions here. Now every child in western Belorussia can get free education,' she said.
âExactly!' someone agreed.
âThe people here are smart. They understood from the beginning that it was a good thing for them to be part of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Belorussia,' declared Nikita Mikhailovich, signalling to all of them to leave the room. As usual, she remained.
He removed a thread or two from his Charleston jacket, which clung to his hips and restricted his movement. Today was the first time he had dressed up in his suit, a fiftieth-birthday present from his wife,
made by âZhurkievitz, the finest tailor in Moscow'. He claimed it was too bourgeois for his taste, and only wore it because his wife begged him.
âLast December I spent a few days with the Fourth Army, a small supervisory job. We got to the Pruzhany region. You won't believe how we were greeted: they threw flowers and sugar at us, the whole city was red flags, dancing night and day. After they drank all the vodka, they brought out the cologne that the Polish police had left. We drank everything and danced on the tanks. With my own eyes I saw how it was possible to do good in the world.'
âHappy days, without doubt,' she replied and moved to the door. Nikita Mikhailovich could blather for hours about those beautiful days, about books that dealt with education and morality, educational methods from sixteenth-century Amsterdam, Alfonso the Wise of Toledo, Baghdad in the tenth century, or, even worse, his great project: âEducation of the Future: Diminishing Units of Time'.
âAlexandra Andreyevna, one more thing,' Nikita called out. âWe're receiving complaints about the NKVD's soft treatment of Jewish parasites in the flea market. They say the place is full of peddlers and cheats. If those people don't want to work here, we'll teach them what work is in the forests of Arkhangelsk.'
âThey're mainly refugees from Germany,' she answered. âWe've heard nothing about any complaints.'
âBy the end of the month we're going to deport at least two hundred parasites, and the rest will learn their lesson.' His bored tone indicated that the matter was closed. âI'm only telling you because the Jews are close to your heart.'
She didn't answer. All week long he had been scattering obscure hints about imminent changes. But when she asked delicately whether she should prepare for new initiatives, he played innocent and claimed that nothing was afoot, at least for the moment. At first she suspected that some plot had been hatched against him, as with Styopa, but his energy dispelled her suspicion that he was in trouble.
Every morning she sat next to the office window that looked out
on the Mukhavetz River, and she waited for the sun to rise. While she strode to the office, except for weak lights from house windows, the city was enveloped in darkness. But now a tiny spark of fire began to burn above the riverâthere you are, her heart sang. In a little while the spark would form an orange-grey ball. In Leningrad it was hard to see the sunriseâsmoke, bridges, gilded steeples and factory chimneysâbut Brest was the clearest city she had ever seen.
The ball of fire rose from the river, still gripped by it, and ascended to the height of the bare trees along the banks. Sasha looked at it through the thin curtain: four golden arms were stretched from the sun like a cross. Sasha played with the curtain: she pushed it aside, pulled it back. A strange light poured onto the river, hiding the water behind a glowing fog, and the small ball swelled, its boundaries burst, the eastern part of the city brightened, it was dawn.
Two hours remained before the meeting of the senior NKVD officials of the district. At these meetings the representatives of the various district committees presented cases requiring special discussion: subversive talk in the wood cooperative in Pruzhany, eighty candidates for expulsion, eight workers to prison, seventy-two children to Siberia; a Pole, an agent of the Suchard chocolate company, made negative comments about the alliance with the Nazis and claimed that it was a betrayal of Stalin's firm positions.
They had a procedure for the boring parts: she would write a private note to Nikita Mikhailovich, and he would rework the comment until it was vague enough to be said aloud. âWe have to remember,' she wrote to him now, âthat the strength to change a strong decision is a rare display of strength.'
Nikita Mikhailovich called out with pleasure: âPlease state your opinion about this proposition: a person transfers his strength from one position to another. The position may change, but his strength remains.'
She perused the papers on the table: Nikita Mikhailovich had put her in charge of the agenda so they wouldn't waste hours on nonsense: the investigation of the chairmen of the collective farm and village
councils; lists of those arrested in Pinsk in 1940; expediting the treatment of residents of Brest who had not paid the culture tax. Nothing new. Here was a case that might wake the meeting up: four citizens had caught a man who had worked in their police force under Polish rule. First they chopped off his arms with swords, leaving him standing. Then they peeled off his skin from the shoulder to the waist, on both sides. It sounded like a Cossack legend.
The first time she received the lists of those to be expelled, it took her twenty minutes to mark the main subjects. She realised that the hundreds of people whose names appeared there would be banished with no further discussion, and that some young woman in Leningrad, exactly like her, had moved a piece of paper across her desk, and that's how they exiled her parents to a gulag and sent Kolya and Vlada to an orphanage. In any case, Sasha's work changed nothing; tens of thousands of people had been expelled from the district before her arrival, and now the stream had slowed. At her request, Nikita Mikhailovich had made her responsible for supervising the establishment of schools; she helped with the new archive that had been set up in the city to obtain secret documents of the Polish regime, and she persuaded Nikita Mikhailovich to declare war against workers at the cooperatives who gave service only to wealthy people.
She no longer traded in the souls of the accused.
Sometimes a week would go by and only at the end of it would she realise that the meeting with Kolya on the plain had left no trace in her consciousness, not even when she thought about him. Tricks were apparently being played in her heart to separate her from her despair at understanding that he had determined her fate during the years they hadn't seen each other. The memory of Kolya in his uniform came back, along with the accusations he had made. She had wanted to hit him, to grab his neck and to shout, How could you believe that horrible woman? But even then her imagination insisted on placing them in her childhood room. She was horrified by the possibility that he might dim the clarity of the love that bound them together; without it, there was no point in anything she did, no point in surviving.
Strangely, after that encounter, she began to forget whole areas of Leningrad. In her mind's eye she could see Nadyezhda wandering among mouldy apartments, reading her long poem, âSee, Soldier Dmitry', and everybody understood who the heroine of the poem was and condemned her. Then the buildings and streets and the people she had known began to blur, and apart from her childhood home there was no longer any Leningrad.
Soon she would be called upon to provide a reckoning for her actions. Everyone, the dead and the living who spoke in their name, would demand an explanation: How is it that you worked for the NKVD? How did you survive, flourish even? She imagined the defiant answers she would toss back at them: Apparently I was better than you, apparently I refused to accept the fate you intended for me. Do you hear, Mother? I'm washing my hands before you and saying: I am innocent of those saints' blood. You accuse me of Vlada's death? You're calling me Boris Godunov? Nadyezhda didn't understand anything about historyâyou all said that her historical allusions were like a blind man leafing through the thousands of pages of
The History of Russia
. And admirers like Brodsky, who edited her poems and rescued her from humiliation, are now sitting in prison or dead. It would be more logical to call me Shuysky, who cleared Boris Godunov and determined that the crown prince fell on his sword by mistake. We both understood that our masters demand the truth. We both worked hard to survive. And if you had a bit of magnanimity, you would praise the survivors: it took an effort to survive.
She sat two seats away from Nikita Mikhailovich, already tired of amusing him, but he still passed notes to her with jokes and gossip, and she answered with as much wit as she could muster. But it was all becoming tiresome. She didn't like Nikita Mikhailovich, nor did she hate him: he was another patron whom she had managed to please. For a long time she had been bestowing affection on and even seducing men whose deaths wouldn't have aroused a thing in her except the question, âWho will replace him?' But sometimes all she wanted were simple gestures: to caress a dear face, to link eyes with a beloved person.
Moving her arms like a conductor, she invited someone to raise a certain subject, gave the floor to someone else, allotted time with her fingers and silenced themâall for Nikita Mikhailovich. Occasionally her memory would retain a detail: Vasili Abgostinovich, a pig breeder, was sent to prison, a woman and eight children were exiled to Siberia. In the break they complimented the way she ran the discussion, usually flattering Nikita Mikhailovich through her, because the man found it hard to remember names and faces, and even officials with whom he had shared an intimate secret got a blank look a week later. They all tried to coax her to join them for lunch. She fobbed them off, showering them with promises of visits instead, and adding sexual innuendos: things the women of Brest would do for bread and lard. When the meeting was adjourned and the group rose, Nikita Mikhailovich remained in his place and glowered at her. She responded with an irritating smile: Aren't you pleased, Nikita Mikhailovich? So what will you do to me?
He ordered her to come and see him at the end of the day and was answered insolently: âI didn't imagine otherwise.'
Sasha walked to her office. Now the scowl he had given her made her laugh. The man who had sent tens of thousands of people to prison, Siberia and death, was actually an absent-minded creature, slightly built and bespectacled, playing a role too big for him. In his defence he knew it. On his fiftieth birthday they had got drunk in his office, and he had blurted out, âPermit me to introduce myself before your highness. I am Nikita Mikhailovich KropotkinâI regret to say there's no connection with Pyotrâa Bolshevik heart and soul, studied medicine for two years, the author of the educational theory of “Diminishing Units of Time”, and mass murderer.'
She locked the door, felt that she was sweating, but when she undid her blouse she discovered that her skin was cool and dry. She sat on her armchair, enjoying the cool air on the back of her neck, and read the letter from Maxim, delivered to her that morning by his close friend, who worked in the finance department. In the last few years he had started to write with his left hand so as to appear to be a balanced
and fair person, and his ornate spirals annoyed her:
My dear, since Stepan Kristoforovich no longer troubles even his wife, it's time for you to return to Leningrad. Give your consent, and I'll make the necessary arrangements. My position has grown a lot stronger, and the atmosphere in the city has improved. Let's admit the truth: we've made it through the hard times, we did what was required of us, and when we had no choice we weren't deterred even by cruelty. If so many people were removed, while we survived and were promoted, apparently we acted wisely. A reason for pride, no?
My dear, I've been speaking quite a bit with Reznikov. As you know, he replaced Stepan Kristoforovich. He isn't as evil as you thought. If he used to be hostile to you (and anyway I'm not convinced about thatâperhaps your Styopa incited you against each other), he's now changed his mind. You might object that no one would dare denigrate my wife in front of me, or they'd get it in the face, but his praise for the confessions that you editedâhow you guided the accused to true sincerity instead of the stinking fictions of Stepan Kristoforovichâsounded absolutely authentic.
Sasha, upon your request I checked on the matter, and you'll be pleased to hear that the poet Nadyezhda Petrovna, your parents' close friend, has indeed returned from the gulag. Her health is good, and she has already announced that she intends to write a new series of poems in which she'll lay bare her self-scrutiny of the past few years.
My dear, more than anything, I want us to have a child, and I'm worried by your stay in that distant and dangerous place. I understand that you're worried about your skinny brother. I've pulled some strings regarding the supply of meat to the soldiers in the Fourth Army in western Belorussia. Difficulties in food supply are common on all
the new fronts: in western Ukraine, in Estonia and in Latvia, in all the republics that have joined our ranks, the supply lines are cumbersome and a long time will pass before they catch up with our achievements. In any event, your presence there won't help your brother. I believe that if you were here by my side (Reznikov is willing to offer you a position that suits your abilities), we could help your brother by other means.