Despite its apparent isolation, the
Kingdom of Cyprus was not yet in immediate danger. The Sultan, even when he was
no longer preoccupied with the Mongols, had insufficient sea-power to risk an
expedition against the island. He had no wish to offend the Italian republics,
for he too derived great benefits from their trade. He captured Ruad from the
Templars in 1302, but, unless Cyprus became the base for a new Crusade, he
preferred to let it alone. The Cypriot government for its part tried, as far as
personal and dynastic idiosyncrasies allowed, to keep on close terms with the
Armenian Kings of Cilicia, and with the Kings of Aragon and Sicily, whose
fleets commanded respect.
1359: Accession of Peter I of Cyprus
After all the Crusading talk that Philip
of France had inspired died down, there was a lull. But about the year 13 3 o
it was revived by Philip VI. His intentions were far more sincere than those of
his uncle; and they were encouraged by the Pope, John XXII. Once again
memoranda were submitted to the Papal and royal courts. The Queen of France’s
physician, Guy of Vigevano, wrote a brief account of the armaments required. A
longer and more detailed programme was sent to the King by a certain Burcard,
an ecclesiastic who had worked in Cilicia to secure the adhesion of the
Armenian Church to Rome. Burcard’s suggestions were plentiful, but not helpful;
for he showed far more animosity against the schismatic and heretic Christians
than against the Moslems, and he considered that the conquest of Orthodox
Serbia and of Byzantium was an essential part of any Crusade. But his schemes
were not to be put to the test. Before any Crusade could be launched the King
of France was involved in the outbreak of the Hundred Years War with England.
A more practical programme, which did not
require any great military expedition, had meanwhile been published by the historian
Marino Sanudo. He was a member of the ducal house of Naxos and had Greek blood
in his veins, and he was an acute observer and a pioneer statistician. His
Secreta
Fidelium Crucis,
which appeared about 1321, contained a history of the
Crusades, somewhat coloured by propagandist aims, but was mainly concerned with
a detailed discussion of the economic position of the Levant. He saw that Egypt
could best be weakened by means of an economic blockade, but he realized that
the Eastern trade could not suddenly be suppressed. Alternative routes and
sources of supply must be found. His analysis was profound, and his suggestions
were far-sighted and comprehensive. Unfortunately they could only be carried
out if all the European powers worked together; and that could never now be
achieved.
In fact, there was only one more effort
made to rescue the Holy Land from the infidel. In 1359 Peter I ascended the
throne of Cyprus. He was the first monarch since Saint Louis of France to have
a burning and overwhelming desire to fight the Holy War. As a young man he had
founded a new Order of Chivalry, the Knights of the Sword, whose one avowed
object was to recover Jerusalem, and he had braved his father King Hugh IV’s
displeasure by attempting to travel to the West to win recruits for his
Crusade. His first wars as King were against the Turks in Anatolia, where he
had obtained a foothold by the acquisition of the fortress of Corycus from the
Armenians. In 1362 he set out on a general tour of Christendom to further his
main object. After visiting Rhodes where he secured promises of help from the
Hospital, he sailed to Venice where he stayed over the New Year of 1363. The
Venetians were officially sympathetic to his plans. After calling at Milan, he
went to Genoa. There he was busy settling differences between his kingdom and
the republic and winning a vague support from the Genoese. He arrived at
Avignon on 29 March 1363, a few months after the accession of Pope Urban V. His
first task was to defend his right to his throne against his nephew Hugh,
Prince of Galilee, son of his late elder brother. Hugh was compensated with an
annual pension of fifty thousand besants. While he was at Avignon King John II
of France visited the city and promised him his warm co-operation. The two Kings
took the Cross together in April, together with many of the French and Cypriot
nobility. At the same time the Pope preached the Holy War and appointed
Cardinal Talleyrand as its Legate. Peter then made a circuitous tour through
Flanders, Brabant and the Rhineland. In August he went to Paris to see King
John once more. They decided that the Crusade should be launched the following
March. From Paris Peter went to Rouen and Caen, and sailed across to England.
He spent about a month in London, where a great tournament was held in his
honour at Smithfield. King Edward III presented him with a handsome ship, the
Catherine,
and with money to cover all his recent expenses. Unfortunately he was
robbed by highwaymen on his way back to the coast. He returned to Paris for
Christmas, then went south to Aquitaine, to interview the Black Prince at
Bordeaux. While he was there he learned to his sorrow of the deaths, first of
Cardinal Talleyrand, in January 1364, then of King John in May. He went to John’s
funeral at Saint-Denis and to the coronation of his successor, Charles V, at
Rheims, then moved into Germany. The knights and burghers of Esslingen and
Erfurt offered to join his Crusade, but the Margrave of Franconia and Rudolph
II, Duke of Saxony, though they received him with honour, both said that their
decision must depend on the Emperor. He therefore went with Rudolph to Prague,
where the Emperor Charles was in residence. Charles professed himself to be
enthusiastic and invited Peter to accompany him to Cracow, to a conference that
he was about to hold with the Kings of Hungary and Poland. It was there agreed
that a circular should be sent to all the princes of the Empire, inviting their
collaboration in the Holy War. After visiting Vienna, where Rudolph IV, Duke of
Austria, promised further help, Peter returned to Venice in November 1364. As
his troops had recently helped the Venetians to suppress a revolt in Crete, he
was welcomed there with the highest honours. He remained there till the end of
June 1365. While he was there he signed a treaty with Genoa which settled all
outstanding differences.
1365: King Peter plans his Crusade
Meanwhile Pope Urban wrote indefatigably
to the princes of Europe to urge them to join the expedition; and his efforts
were energetically seconded by the new Papal Legate to the East, Peter of
Salignac de Thomas, nominal Patriarch of Constantinople, a man of fierce
integrity, equally opposed to schismatics, heretics and infidels, but of a
devotion that was respected even by those that he persecuted. Working with him
was his pupil, Philip of Mezieres, a close friend of King Peter, who had
appointed him Chancellor of Cyprus. All their united activity did not produce
the number of recruits that King Peter had expected and been promised. No Germans
came forward, and none of the greater nobles of France or England, or the
neighbouring lands, apart from Ayme, Count of Geneva, William Roger, Viscount
of Turenne, and the Earl of Hereford. But there were many lesser knights,
coming even from so far afield as Scotland; and already before King Peter left
Venice, a large and formidable army had gathered there. The Venetian
contribution was particularly useful; but the Genoese held back.
It was decided that the Crusade should
assemble at Rhodes in August 1365, but its further destination was kept secret.
The risk that some Venetian trader would inform the Moslems was too dangerous.
King Peter arrived at Rhodes early in the month, and on the 25th the whole
Cypriot fleet sailed into the harbour, a hundred and eight vessels in all,
galleys, transports, merchant ships and light skiffs. With the great galleys of
the Venetians and those provided by the Hospital, the armada numbered a hundred
and sixty-five ships. They carried a full complement of men, with ample horses,
provisions and arms. Not since the Third Crusade had a proportionate expedition
set out for the Holy War; and, though there was disappointment that no great
potentates from the West were present, there was the counter-advantage that
King Peter was the unquestioned leader. In October he wrote to his Queen,
Eleanor of Aragon, that everything was ready. At the same time he issued an
order warning all his subjects in Syria to return home and forbidding them to
trade there. He wished it to be thought that Syria was his objective.
On 4 October the Patriarch Peter preached
a stirring sermon to the assembled sailors from the royal galley, and they all
cried out: ‘Vivat, vivat Petrus, Jerusalem et Cypri Rex, contra Saracenos
infideles.’ That evening the fleet set sail. When all the ships were at sea it
was announced that the destination was Alexandria in Egypt.
1365: The Expedition attacks Alexandria
Once a decision to attack the Sultan was
made, the choice of Alexandria as an objective was intelligent. It would be
impracticable to attempt to invade Syria or Palestine without a base on the
coast, and the ports there, with the exception of Tripoli, had been
deliberately ruined by the Egyptians. But past experience showed that when the
ruler of Egypt lost Damietta he had been ready to cede Jerusalem for its
recovery. Alexandria was a richer prize than Damietta. Its conquerors could
strike a still more profitable bargain. It would also be an excellent base for
a further advance; for it was certainly amply provisioned, and the canals made
it easy to defend from the land. It was moreover the port for almost all the
Sultan’s oversea trade. Its loss would subject his dominions to a drastic form
of economic blockade. It was also unlikely that he would expect an attack on a
city where Christian merchants had such large interests. The moment, too, was
well chosen. The reigning Sultan, Sha’ban, was a boy of eleven. Power was in
the hands of the emir Yalbogha, who was disliked by his fellow-emirs and by the
people. The governor of Alexandria, Khalil ibn Arram, was away on a pilgrimage
to Mecca. His deputy, Janghara, was a junior officer, and had been left with a
hopelessly inadequate garrison. On the other hand the walls of Alexandria were
notoriously strong. Even if its two harbours and the Pharos peninsula that lay
between them were captured, there were still great fortifications along the
harbour-front.
The armada arrived off Alexandria during
the evening of 9 October. The citizens at first thought that it was a great merchant
fleet and prepared to go out to bargain. It was only when next morning the
ships entered the western harbour, instead of the eastern which alone was
permitted to Christian ships, that their intentions became apparent. The
acting-governor, Janghara, hastened to concentrate his men on the foreshore to
prevent a landing; but despite the gallantry of some Moghrabi soldiers, the
Christian knights forced their way ashore. While native merchants streamed out
of the city through the landward gates, Janghara retired behind the walls and
collected his small garrison to hold the sector opposite to the landing. King
Peter intended to pause in his attack. He wished to land all his men and horses
at leisure on to the Pharos peninsula. But when he took counsel of his
commanders he found that many of them disapproved of the choice of Alexandria
as an objective. They were too few, they said, either to hold so large a
fortress or to advance from there to Cairo. They wished to sail away elsewhere,
but would stay if the city were at once taken by storm before the Sultan could
send a relieving force. Peter was obliged to comply with their wishes; and the
assault began at once. It was launched against the west wall, as Janghara had
expected; but when they were held there the assailants moved to the section
opposite to the eastern harbour. Within the walls access between the two
sections ran through the great Customs House; and an officious customs-officer,
fearing robberies, had barricaded the doors. Janghara could not move his men in
time to face the new attack. Believing that the city was lost they began to
desert their posts and flee through the streets to the southern gates and
safety. By midday on Friday the 10th the Crusaders were well established within
the city. Fighting continued in the streets. During the Friday night there was
a fierce Moslem counter-attack through one of the southern gates, which the
Christians in their excitement had burned down. It was beaten off; and by the
Saturday afternoon all Alexandria was in the Crusaders’ hands.
The victory was celebrated with
unparalleled savagery. Two and a half centuries of Holy Warfare had taught the
Crusaders nothing of humanity. The massacres were only equalled by those of
Jerusalem in 1099 and Constantinople in 1204. The Moslems had not been so
ferocious at Antioch or at Acre. Alexandria’s wealth had been phenomenal; and
the victors were maddened at the sight of so much booty. They spared no one.
The native Christians and the Jews suffered as much as the Moslems; and even
the European merchants settled in the city saw their factories and storehouses
ruthlessly looted. Mosques and tombs were raided and their ornaments stolen or
destroyed; churches too were sacked, though a gallant crippled Coptic lady
managed to save some of the treasures of her sect at the sacrifice of her
private fortune. Houses were entered, and householders who did not immediately
hand over all their possessions were slaughtered with their families. Some five
thousand prisoners, Christians and Jews as well as Moslems, were taken to be
sold as slaves. A long line of horses, asses and camels carried the loot to the
ships in the harbour and there having performed their task were killed. The
whole city stank with the odour of human and animal corpses.
1365 The Sack of Alexandria