Read The History of England - Vols. 1 to 6 Online
Authors: David Hume
[t]Lesley, p. 50. Camden, p. 420. Haynes, p. 535, 539.
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[x]State Trials, vol. i. p. 82.
[y]Camden, p. 420. Spotswood, p. 231.
[z]Lesley, p. 71. It appears by Haynes, p. 521, 525. that Elizabeth had heard rumours
of Norfolk’s dealing with Murray; and charged the latter to inform her of the whole truth, which he accordingly did. See also the earl of Murray’s letter produced on Norfolk’s trial.
[g]Camden, p. 421. Haynes, p. 540.
[k]Haynes, p. 595. Strype, vol. ii. append. p. 30. MS. in the Advocates’ Library from
Cott. Lib. Cal. c. 9.
[l]Cabala, p. 169. Strype, vol. i. p. 547.
[n]Cabala, p. 170. Digges, p. 4.
[q]Ibid. p. 98. Camden, p. 419. Haynes, p. 597.
[r]Lesley, p. 232. Haynes, p. 511, 548.
[s]MSS. in the Advocates’ Library, A. 329, p. 137. from Cott. Lib. catal. c. 1.
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[t]Spotswood, p. 230, 231. Lesley, p. 71.
[u]Camden, p. 425. Lesley, p. 83.
[NOTE [N]]
By Murden’s state papers, published after the writing of this history, it appears, that an agreement had been made between Elizabeth and the regent for the delivering up of Mary to him. The queen afterwards sent down Killigrew to the earl of Marre when regent, offering to put Mary into his hands. Killigrew was instructed to take good security from the regent, that that queen should be tried for her crimes, and that the sentence should be executed upon her. It appears that Marre rejected the offer; because we hear no more of it.
[NOTE [O]]
Sir James Melvil, p. 108, 109. ascribes to Elizabeth a positive design of animating the Scotch factions against each other; but his evidence is too inconsiderable to counterbalance many other authorities, and is, indeed, contrary to her subsequent conduct, as well as her interest, and the necessity of her situation. It was plainly her interest, that the king’s party should prevail, and nothing could have engaged her to stop their progress, or even forbear openly assisting them, but her intention of still amusing the queen of Scots, by the hopes of being peaceably restored to her throne. See farther Strype, vol. ii. Append. p. 20.
[d]Spotswood, p. 245. Lesley, p. 101.
[k]Spotswood, p. 249, 250, &c. Lesley, p. 133, 136. Camden, p. 431, 432.
[m]Ibid. p. 441. from Cajetanus’s Life of Pius V.
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[n]It appeared this session, that a bribe of four pounds had been given to a mayor for a
seat in parliament. D’Ewes, p. 181. It is probable, that the member had no other view than the privilege of being free from arrests.
[o]
13 Eliz. c. 1.
[w]Camden, p. 433. Davila, lib. 5. Digges’s Complete Ambassador, p. 84, 110, 111.
[x]Grotii Annal. lib. 1. Father Paul, another great authority, computes in a passage
above cited, that 50,000 persons were put to death in the Low Countries alone.
[y]Bentivoglio, part I. lib. v. Camden, p. 416.
[z]Lesley, p. 123. State Trials, vol. i. p. 87.
[c]State Trials, vol. i. p. 102.
[d]Lesley, p. 155. State Trials. vol. i. p. 86, 87.
[e]Lesley, p. 159, 161. Camden, p. 432.
[f]State Trials, vol. i. p. 93.
[h]Ibid. p. 169. State Trials, vol. i. p. 87. Camden, p. 434. Digges, p. 134, 137, 140.
Strype, vol. ii. p. 82.
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[m]Carte, p. 527. from Fenelon’s Dispatches. Digges, p. 166. Strype, vol. ii. p. 83.
[n]Camden, p. 440. Strype, vol. ii. App. p. 23.
[o]Digges, p. 16, 107. Strype, vol. ii. p. 51, 52.
[p]Ibid. p. 194, 208, 209. Strype, vol. ii. p. 40, 51.
[e]Carte, vol. iii. p. 522. from Fenelon’s Dispatches.
[h]Ibid. passim. Camden, p. 447.
[i]Digges, p. 297, 298. Camden, p. 447.
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[t]Camden, p. 466. Grotius, lib. iii.
[x]Walsingham’s Letter in Burnet, vol. ii. p. 418. Cabala, p. 406.
[y]Strype’s Life of Parker, p. 342. Ibid. Life of Grindal, p. 315.
[a]D’Ewes, p. 245. Camden, p. 446.
[m]Digges, p. 412, 428. Melvil, p. 130.
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[o]Ibid. p. 314. Crawford, p. 333. Moyse’s Memoirs, p. 54.
[r]Camden, p. 475. Cox’s history of Ireland, p. 368.
[s]Camden, p. 478. Stowe, p. 689.
[t]Camden, p. 478. Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii. p. 730, 748. Purchas’s Pilgrim, vol. i.
p. 46.
[e]Digges, p. 387, 396, 408, 426.
[NOTE [P]]
That the queen’s negociations for marrying the duke of Anjou were not feigned nor political, appears clearly from many circumstances; particularly from a passage in Dr. Forbes’s manuscript collections, at present in the possession of lord Royston. She there enjoins Walsingham, before he opens the treaty, to examine the person of the duke; and as that prince had lately recovered from the small pox, she desires her ambassador to consider, whether he yet retained so much of his good looks, as that a woman could fix her affections on him. Had she not been in earnest, PLL v6.0 (generated September, 2011)
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and had she only meant to amuse the public or the court of France, this circumstance was of no moment.
[l]Digges, p. 357, 387, 388, 409, 426, 439. Rymer, xv. p. 793.
[m]Camden, p. 486. Thuan, lib. 74.
[o]Letters of the Sydneys, vol. i. p. 287, & seq. Cabala, p. 363.
[t]Heylin’s Hist. Presbyter. p. 227. Spotswood.
[z]MS. in the Advocates’ Library, A. 3. 28. p. 401. from the Cott. Lib. Calig. c. 9.
[a]Spotswood, p. 325, 326, & seq.
[b]Melvil, p. 140, 141. Strype, vol. iii. p. 165.
[c]Melvil, p. 148. Jebb, vol. ii. p. 530.
[h]State Trials, vol. i. p. 122, 123.
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[l]Some even of those who defend the queen’s measures, allow that in ten years fifty
priests were executed, and fifty-five banished. Camden, p. 649.
[m]Besides the petition after mentioned, another proof of the prevalency of the
puritans among the commons was their passing a bill for the reverent observance of Sunday, which they termed the Sabbath, and the depriving the people of those amusements, which they were accustomed to take on that day. D’Ewes, p. 335. It was a strong symptom of a contrary spirit in the upper house, that they proposed to add Wednesday to the fast days, and to prohibit entirely the eating of flesh on that day.
D’Ewes, p. 373.
[o]Neal’s History of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 410.
[NOTE [Q]]
D’Ewes, p. 328. The puritanical sect had indeed gone so far, that a book of discipline was secretly subscribed by above five hundred clergymen; and the presbyterian government thereby established in the midst of the church, notwithstanding the rigour of the prelates and of the high commission. So impossible is it by penal statutes, however severe, to suppress all religious innovation. See Neal’s Hist. of the Puritans, vol. i. p. 483. Strype’s Life of Whitgift, p. 291.
[q]Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 292, 386, 400.
[r]State Trials, vol. i. p. 103, & seq. Strype, vol. iii. p. 255, & seq.
[NOTE [R]]
This year, the earl of Northumberland, brother to the earl beheaded some years before, had been engaged in a conspiracy with lord Paget for the deliverance of the queen of Scots. He was thrown into the Tower; and being conscious that his guilt could be proved upon him, at least, that sentence would infallibly be pronounced against him, he freed himself from farther prosecution by a voluntary death. He shot himself in the breast with a pistol. About the same time, the earl of Arundel, son of the unfortunate duke of Norfolk, having entered into some exceptionable measures, and reflecting on the unhappy fate, which had attended his family, endeavoured to depart secretly beyond sea, but was discovered and thrown into the Tower. In 1587
this nobleman was brought to his trial for high treason; chiefly becatise he had dropped some expressions of affection to the Spaniards, and had affirmed that he would have masses said for the success of the Armada. His peers found him guilty of treason: This severe sentence was not executed; but Arundel never recovered his liberty. He died a prisoner in 1595. He carried his religious austerities so far, that they were believed the immediate cause of his death.