The Benn Diaries: 1940-1990 (65 page)

Saturday 13 March

The Thorpe story is moving to its climax. On the news tonight, it was reported that he had made a statement to the
Sunday Times
denying seven allegations made by this decrepit, sad, blackmailing, former male model, Norman Scott. I think that the press have decided to destroy the Liberal Party because it is now an embarrassment to the cause of building up Mrs Thatcher as an alternative to Wilson, and they are doing it by releasing information about Thorpe which they have had for years. Some Liberal MPs, like Steel and Richard Wainwright, are concerned about this, and then there are some inconsequential ones like Pardoe and Cyril Smith – absolute cynics and opportunists – who are trying to seize the leadership; the Young Liberals are trying to get rid of Thorpe because they think he is not left-wing enough. So we are witnessing the crumbling-away of the Liberal Party but it will recover when the Tories come back to power and people don’t want to vote Labour. It is going to be round the mulberry bush as with everything in British politics.

Sunday 14 March

Quite a chilly day, and Caroline and I went for a lovely walk in the park, round all the places we used to take the children. We felt like an elderly couple, which I suppose is what we are at fifty.

Tuesday 16 March

A day of such momentous news that it is difficult to know how to start.

After a meeting with Frances and Francis, I went to Cabinet at 11. Harold said, ‘Before we come to the business, I want to make a statement.’ Then he read us an eight-page statement, in which he said that he had irrevocably decided that he was going to resign the premiership and would stay just long enough for the Labour Party to elect a new leader. People were stunned but in a curious way, without emotion. Harold is not a man who arouses affection in most people. I sat there listening quite impassively and although other people were shocked and surprised because nobody knew it was coming, there was still a remarkable sort of lack of reaction. But when he had finished speaking and thanked us all, Ted Short said, with visible sorrow – his eyes were filled with tears and his face was red – ‘I think this a deplorable event and I don’t know what to say except to thank you.’

Bob Mellish said, ‘I take it we’ll proceed straight away to the election of a new leader.’

Jim Callaghan, who found it hard to conceal his excitement, said, ‘Harold, we shall never be able to thank you for your services to the Movement.’

Then Harold got up to go, because he had to see Len Murray and Cledwyn Hughes to tell them. He walked out of the Cabinet and that was it.

When he had gone, Shirley said, ‘Don’t you think we ought to formalise our thanks?’ Barbara agreed, so the two of them began to draft something.

After a rather odd Cabinet, I left Downing Street at about 1. By then there was a huge crowd of people, hundreds of television cameras. Over my ministerial lunch, we discussed why Harold had done it. Alex Eadie said the Movement would be shaken and we had to protect against fears of a coalition. Then the question of who would stand for Leader arose. Everyone had left except Frances, Francis and Joe, and Joe said, ‘You must stand. You’ll get a lot of votes.’ Frances and Francis agreed.

I called Bryan Emmett in and I said, ‘Now, look, you mustn’t say to anybody that I’m standing because I haven’t made up my mind yet but I want the decks completely cleared of all engagements. Just tell Bernard Ingham that you don’t know what I’m doing.’

Went over to the House and into the Chamber. I sat on the Front Bench and Harold came in at 3.15 for Prime Minister’s Questions and a question on the Royal Commission on the press provided an opportunity for everyone to pay tribute to Harold. Margaret Thatcher wished him well and suggested a General Election. Jeremy Thorpe joked, most inappropriately,
how nice it was to hear Harold was going on the Back Benches because it was such a comfort for a leader to have his predecessor beside him. Heath congratulated Harold on joining the fastest growing political ‘party’ in the House of Commons. Enoch Powell congratulated him for bringing peace to Ireland in contrast to the appalling policies of the previous Government, which was an absolute hammer blow.

Had a cup of tea and saw Stan Orme who said, ‘Tony, you shouldn’t stand. I’m a friend and I admire you very much but Michael Foot has got the best chance – Eric Heffer and Dennis Skinner feel the same.’ I said, ‘Thank you. I fully appreciate it. There’s a big difference in policy between Michael and myself and I think if I stood it would have to be on that.’

Ernie Fernyhough came up and said, ‘Tony, you know how I feel about you but I am supporting Michael Foot and I have told my local paper.’

I said, ‘It’s entirely up to you. I’m not campaigning or canvassing in any way but I should be fighting for policy changes.’

Frank McElhone told me that the Scottish Members were divided between Jim Callaghan and Michael Foot, and therefore I hadn’t any support whatever from them.

Then I saw Mik and he said, ‘I argued on the radio that I would support you. I don’t think you’d win, and I’d support you against Michael if the two of you ran together. But I think Michael has the better chance.’

I said, ‘Look Mik, there’s only one case for standing and that is to campaign for a change of policy.’

Went back to my room and Joe and Maggie Ashton came up, then Barbara Castle, followed by Ted. Barbara had come in to say how we must get a ‘Stop Jim’ movement going – a typical defeatist view – how she thought Denis was good and how Michael should stand. I said I was going to see Michael so I didn’t let her guess anything. She began by saying ‘Wedgie, we all agree the future is yours.’ That’s a load of nonsense really, the question is what does the Party do
now
to avoid a collapse?

Michael Meacher came to see me and asked if he could help in any way. I said, ‘Yes, take soundings and help me draft a statement saying we should campaign for a change of policy.’

At about 8 Joe and Maggie came home with me, where Stephen and June, Hilary, Mary Lou, Frances, Francis and Melissa and Caroline were all waiting. Almost everyone there thought I should stand. Frances had her doubts. ‘You might be badly defeated and humiliated,’ and Francis (who takes his lead from Frances) then added, ‘Yes, it might damage the policy if you didn’t get any support.’ Joe Ashton said, ‘You could always withdraw if you weren’t getting the support.’ Well, you can’t do that.

Hilary thought I should throw my hat into the ring first because ‘if Michael comes in later, he is theoretically splitting the Left vote, not you’.

I listened and set all the arguments down on paper. The case for standing is winning, or to win next time, to get an alternative policy across, to
influence other candidates, to establish a power base. The case against is that people will say you’re frightened that you might be humiliated, attacked by the trade union leadership, massacred by the press.

In the end I decided I would stand.

Wednesday 17 March

I didn’t get to bed until 2 and I was up at 6.50. Joshua went out and bought every newspaper which reported in full Harold Wilson’s resignation statement and a list of possible candidates. It confirmed my view that I must move very quickly indeed to implement my decision to stand. I rang Michael Foot and told him, and he said he might stand, and would like to see me this morning at 11. I then rang Herbert Rogers to tell him I had decided to stand on policy and asked him to arrange a special meeting of the GMC for 7.30 on Friday.

Stephen picked me up at 8 and took some equipment to the House of Commons for Mary Lou who is going to set up her office in Room 18 on the ministerial corridor for the duration of the leadership election. From 9.15 until 11.15 Frances and Francis, Joe and I hammered out my initial statement, explaining why I was standing; I had three points: industrial policy; open government and parliamentary democracy; and industrial democracy. I heard that Jim Callaghan had declared and Michael had indicated that he would stand. At 11.15 I went to Room 18 and was told Michael had been in several times but I decided not to go to see him until after my press conference because I didn’t want any one to be able to ask me if Michael Foot had requested me to stand down. At 11.30 I met the press, and then had an interview with ITN and the BBC. At 12.15 I heard that Crosland had indicated he would stand. Crosland said on the news that he was a radical moderate who stood on his record.

I had a prearranged lunch at Locket’s with Danny McGarvey and I went back to the House at 2.40 and saw Michael Foot and said, ‘I’m fighting purely on the issues,’ and he said, ‘I think you are wrong to campaign in the open, for a new policy.’

‘Michael, I think the moment has come. You know my views, you have heard me in the Cabinet and I have told you privately. I think I must do it this way and, as you know, I will support you in the second ballot if I drop out as I probably will.’

He said, ‘Well, we have been friends for many years and we always will be.’

Caroline arrived at 4 to give advice and help. Then Judith Hart turned up and I took her into the office next door, which was empty, and she put her hand on my arm and said, ‘Tony, I love you dearly. I greatly admire you. You must be the Leader of the Party one day but not now.’ I took her hand gently off my arm and said, ‘Judith, no emotion and no feeling. You must do what you think is right. I am fighting on a policy and I have no option. I am
doing what you did last summer – and I supported you-because I must now bring out the truth.’ She agreed with everything I said and at the end she said, ‘I hope you know I’m very fond of you.’ I gave her a big kiss.

Frances and Francis said to me, ‘Look, you are not going to get many votes’ – I agreed with that – ‘so you ought not to be saying you are going to win.’ I said, ‘I understand that, and I’m not fighting to win anyway. But I don’t want to give the impression that I’m a minority, that I’m a loner, because, after all, I am carrying the banner for the TUC Economic Review.’ We had a lot of strategic discussions about all this and Joe Ashton kept popping in and out. He was marvellous.

Joan Lestor was in my room using the typewriter. She didn’t know I was standing. I told her, ‘It’s like your resignation. I have got no choice. I have got to do it.’

She asked if it would damage me personally, and I answered, ‘Nothing could damage me or humiliate me save something dishonourable. I must put this forward. I am not going to ask you to vote for me because I am not asking anyone. But this is what I am doing and why.’

Thursday 18 March

Cabinet and we discussed the Falkland Islands, a paper from Jim pointing out that there were thirty-seven marines there and 2,000 islanders and the Argentinians were being very difficult. There was possibly some oil there and we couldn’t hold the islands against an attack. He had two suggestions, one of which, rather tougher than the other, was to consider a condominium or to let sovereignty pass to the Argentinians and lease the islands back and develop the oil jointly.

I had a short nap in the afternoon and at 3.15 I went into the Chamber where Harold Wilson was doing his last Questions. He was very relaxed. Peter Shore sat next to me and he said, ‘By the way, I’m backing Michael Foot.’

‘I knew that. That’s why I didn’t tell you I was going to stand.’

‘I hope one day I can vote for you,’ he added.

Friday 19 March

To Bristol by helicopter for the special General Management Committee and rang London to see what was cooking. Frances came on the phone and said, ‘Have you thought about it? Don’t you think you should stand down now?’

I said, ‘I won’t discuss it, Frances.’

‘No, Your Majesty.’

I said, ‘It’s no good saying that. It’s no good saying to a candidate in the middle of a campaign, “Won’t you withdraw?” I won’t withdraw.’

The GMC was held in the very room in which I was selected twenty-six years ago. It was crowded. I said, ‘I’m going to be rather formal’, and I read
them the three statements I had issued: on why I was standing; on parliamentary reform; and the text of my letter to MPs. It was a highly principled, intelligent meeting. They accepted the resolution after a long discussion about whether other candidates should be asked to announce their adherence to the policies adopted by the Labour Party Conference.

Monday 22 March

To Number 10 for Harold’s farewell Cabinet dinner and arrived to find a tremendous gathering of cameras in the State Drawing Room. Harold had organised the dinner so that we would all be sitting in our usual Cabinet places around the big table, so I was between Michael and Peter. We had a marvellous meal. During the second course, of poached salmon, the hollandaise sauce slipped off the tray, dropped on to Denis’s plate and splattered him: he was in a very jolly mood and laughed loudly.

At the end of the meal, Ted Short got up and he made a boring speech, followed by Harold who was even more boring, describing how he had avoided giving any indication of whom he would vote for, that he knew how every member of the PLP would vote, and so on. As Harold sat down, Michael said across the table, ‘Harold, Tony wrote an obituary of you ten years ago and I think you ought to hear it.’

So I got up and said, ‘I foolishly told Michael about this obituary, but as a matter of fact, I happen to have it with me! When I was young and naïve many years ago, I asked you, Harold at Chequers what we should do if you were run over by a bus and you said, “Find out who was driving the bus,”’ so Harold interrupted and said, ‘What do you mean
when
you were young!’ and we all laughed. I said, ‘This was in the good old days before you had to ask Joe Haines’s permission to broadcast and what Joe would have said if he had had a request from the Secretary of State for Energy to do an obituary of the PM, I don’t know! Anyway, I won’t embarrass you by reading it though I wouldn’t change a word of it all these years later and it was very nice. But I will read you the last question Kenneth Harris asked me. “Mr Benn, you have said some very nice things about the Prime Minister. Have you any criticisms?” I said. “Yes, he was never a backbencher.”