Read The Banshees: A Literary History of Irish American Women Online
Authors: Sally Barr Ebest
Tags: #Social Science, #Literary Criticism, #English; Irish; Scottish; Welsh, #Feminism & Feminist Theory, #European
As the novel develops, Howard explores the dichotomy between her
generation and her daughter’s. After Elizabeth marries Gus, she gives up
her singing career to be a housewife and mother. She and her husband are,
her mother says, “hopelessly suburban”: “She had paid me with silence. Sold
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out in Westchester. Gagged in her house with a lawn and trees, a baby. With
her money and her husband, the corporation stud. Ungrateful child” (156).
This is the life Elizabeth and her husband think they want—“as though we
were about to live as an ideal family before the Second World War” (111).
Elizabeth protests that she did not give up her music for her marriage, but
the fact remains that she stops singing.
Mother and daughter come together over tragedy. After Maude has sur-
gery for a “minor chalzion” she calls Elizabeth. Waking up, she is thrilled
to fi nd her daughter at her side. More delightfully, after drifting off again,
she awakens to hear Elizabeth singing. “When it was done we smiled at
each other foolishly, until she said, ‘Stop that, Mother. Stop crying’” (159).
Elizabeth sings a requiem for the dead, “a song that the reader recognizes
as not only for those characters who have died (Elizabeth’s father; a young
patient of Maude’s) but also for those selves that Maude and Elizabeth have
left behind” (Durso 2008, 65).
Howard’s acclaimed 1986 novel,
Expensive Habits
, expands on this
theme by detailing the price women pay for fame and fortune. The protago-
nist, Margaret “Maggie” Flood, is a highly successful writer, tough, arro-
gant, and loud. Maggie is the dreaded feminist—twice married, divorced,
fi ercely independent, who spies on her husband’s lover and fl ies to Mexico
to get a divorce. Yet she is no caricature. As she freely admits, “I pricked my
fl esh with the sight of this woman to beg relief from what seemed a terminal
wound—my life” (50–51). It wasn’t the infi delity that hurt so much. “I saw
that I had not been taken seriously and that broke my heart more than a
peroxide blonde” (75).
As the novel opens, Margaret is suffering from heart disease. In this
expansive iteration of Howard’s stylized approach debuted in
Bridgeport Bus
,
the novel ranges forward and backward, intermixing characters as well as
snatches of novels and refl ections scattered across fi ve long chapters in which
she retells and then recasts the story of her fi rst marriage (and novel), under-
goes a heart operation, and loses her son. In the fi nal scene Margaret is chal-
lenged one last time: looking at the stars, she falls into a hole and breaks her
leg. But she perseveres, dragging herself out of the hole, across the lawn, and
up to the porch: “They could never call her in,” she recalls. . . . She would
not go, defi ant, then dreaming on in the dangerous night air. Too smart for
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her own good. . . . [T]hey called, but she took her chances. She would not
go in” (298). Maggie Flood personifi es the strong feminist working woman
of the 1980s. While independence is an “expensive habit,” carrying both
rewards and punishment, Irish American women would not relinquish it.
Yet the war on women continued. In a time when the divorce rate had
risen from 44 percent in 1970 to 52 percent in 1980 (Woods 2005, 367) and
the number of single-parent households continued to rise, Reagan’s bud-
get director decimated domestic spending, drastically reducing funding for
WIC, the Women, Infants, and Children Program. Hundreds of thousands
of families were thrown off welfare or faced reduced benefi ts, over a million
people lost their food stamps, three million children no longer qualifi ed for
free school lunches, and 75 percent of all day-care centers had their budgets
cut (Davis 1991, 439).
To accomplish their goals without appearing to beat up women, the
men of the New Right employed two ingenious strategies: linguistic subver-
sion and female “hit men.” Instead of attacking women’s liberation, they
denounced feminists as “antifamily.” Rather than be anti-abortion they
became “pro-life” and “pro-motherhood.” Hiding behind this linguistic
subterfuge, they not only attacked practically every federal program assist-
ing mothers but also lobbied “for every man’s right to rule supreme at
home” (Faludi 1991, 239). More insidious was the use of women against
their own sex. Like turncoat Serena Joy in
The Handmaid’s Tale
, working
mother Phyllis Schlafl y railed against the Equal Rights Amendment. Con-
naught “Connie” Marshner stuck her three children in day care because
she was busy promoting the Family Protection Act. Then when she was dis-
missed after becoming pregnant with her fourth child, she switched gears
and attacked women who used day care instead of staying home with their
children!(Faludi 1991).
Mary McGarry Morris’s fi rst novel,
Vanished
(1988), uses role rever-
sal to question these essentialist beliefs. Aubrey Wallace is a mentally weak
white man; Dotty is a white trash teenager who has more or less kidnapped
Aubrey by driving off with him in his truck. When he tells her they need to
head back, Dotty runs away and returns with “a loaf of bread, a blue mason
jar fi lled with dimes”—and Canny—a “baby girl with a pale pink ribbon in
her yellow-white hair” (9). For fi ve years, Aubrey, Dotty, and Canny travel
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around the country stealing and conning people out of their belongings.
Although they appear as a family, Dotty is not the typical mother. She picks
up men wherever they stop and she physically abuses Canny. When they stop
at a county fair, Dotty has sex with a cowboy while his pal molests Canny.
Aubrey is no help. Whenever he “tried to think about his dilemma, he would
be seized with a helplessness so vast and so paralyzing” that he could not
act (11). Aubrey is the demoralized “wife” who so fears being left that he is
unable to protect his “daughter” from physical or sexual abuse. Some people,
Morris suggests, are not fi t to be parents.
Regardless of their politics, women began disappearing from public offi ce
after Reagan’s election (Faludi 1991, 257). The number of women appointed
to judicial positions fell from 15 to 8 percent; the number of women put
forth for Senate confi rmation also dropped. In the White House, the female
staff was reduced by half. And even though 2.5 million women lived below
the poverty line, Reagan cut their funding too. Granted, he did appoint a
few women—most of them Irish American—to offi ce. In 1981, Sandra Day
O’Connor became the fi rst female jurist on the Supreme Court. Reagan also
appointed Jeanne Kirkpatrick to the United Nations, hired Peggy Noonan
as his assistant and speech writer, and named Elizabeth Dole and Margaret
Heckler to his cabinet (Davis 1991, 419–20). But they were not suffi cient to
stop the New Right juggernaut.
After Reagan won a second term, he eliminated the Coalition on
Women’s Appointments, the Working Group on Women, and the Federal
Women’s Program. After passing the Paperwork Reduction Act, the Reagan
administration stopped collecting statistics on women’s status altogether.
Even the women who had supported Reagan’s measures discovered that their
jobs carried “infl ated titles but no authority or required them to carry out
the administration’s most punitive antifeminist policies.” Marjorie Meck-
lenburg had to enforce the “squeal rule”—a term coined by Irish American
Mary Cantwell during her tenure on the
New York Times
—which required
clinics to report teenage girls seeking birth control. Another woman, Nabers
Cabaniss, was charged with ensuring that members of family planning clin-
ics were fi red if they “mentioned the word abortion.” Jo Ann Gasper was
assigned the job of eliminating domestic violence programs (Faludi 1991,
257–59).
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When the Reagan administration wasn’t fi ghting feminists, unwed moth-
ers, and poor women, its cohorts tried repeatedly to take away their right to
choose. Federal funding for poor women seeking abortions was eliminated,
family-planning clinics found their funding cut by 25 percent, and support for
international Planned Parenthood stopped altogether. Since efforts to repeal
Roe v. Wade had failed on the national level, pro-life groups began focusing
on individual state laws so that getting an abortion—especially for teenagers,
the least-prepared of all mothers—would be more diffi cult. Valerie Sayers’s
Due East
(1987) seemingly supports this stance. Fifteen-year-old Mary Faith
Rapple is pregnant and the baby’s father is dead, but she is determined to have
the baby. Although the novel’s denouement suggests that Mary Faith is a very
mature fi fteen, such a conclusion might strike some as unrealistic.3
More down-to-earth is Alice McDermott’s second novel,
That Night
(1987). McDermott turns her literary clock back to the 1950s to remind
readers how pregnant teens were treated at midcentury. A nameless female
narrator recalls the events leading up to her teenage neighbor Sheryl’s preg-
nancy and what happens after her mother sends her away to give up the baby
for adoption—a common practice in the 1950s. Certainly marriage would
not have solved Sheryl’s problems, for she is too immature. Pressured by a
nurse to look at the child, Sheryl fi nds it “incredibly small and ugly” (173).
Upon returning from the hospital, she endures dinner with the family, then
asks, “‘Can I go?’” Up in her room, she applies heavy makeup, teases her
hair, slips on some bracelets. “The sound of them, she knows, will reach the
boys, make them turn away from their cars. She practices a slow, wise smile.
She wants to love someone else” (175–76). Sheryl has learned nothing; she
is too young to be a mother.
The 1980s saw abortion laws infantilizing women by requiring their
husband’s or parents’ permission, initiating a twenty-four-hour waiting
period, mandating that any abortion after the fi rst trimester be performed
3. Sayers’s second novel,
How I Got Him Back
(1988), revisits Mary Faith, now
the single parent of four-year-old Jesse; however, the focus here is less on mother-
hood and more on various romantic entanglements of Mary Faith and her friends
in Due East.
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in a hospital, and requiring that doctors lecture about the potential dangers
and show pictures of fetuses to dissuade women’s decisions about their own
bodies. Next, the anti-abortion movement targeted clinics through bomb-
ings, arson, death threats, and intimidation (Davis 1991, 459–60). During
the 1980s, there were more than three dozen attempted bombings and acts
of arson, with nine clinics targeted in 1984 alone (Martin 2011, 166). In
response, feminist groups escorted pregnant women into clinics while femi-
nist lawyers fi led lawsuits. By 1989, their efforts began to pay off in the form
of injunctions and court decisions. Ironically, Sandra Day O’Connor was the
key vote in the decision
not
to revisit
Roe v. Wade
(Davis 1991, 463). Her
decision may have been infl uenced in part by the huge pro-choice rally in
Washington, DC, not to mention polls indicating that 63 to 74 percent of all
Americans supported abortion rights (Martin 2011, 167–68).
Joyce Carol Oates addresses the abortion issue in
Solstice
(1985). Unlike
her usual plots, which deconstruct male-female relationships,
Solstice
not
only tells the story of the relationships between two females, but also repre-
sents the earliest Irish American novel to address the aftermath of abortion.4
This theme marks Oates’s fi rst clearly articulated argument for a woman’s
right to control her body and her life. Similarly, in
You Must Remember This
(1987), only after the main character, Enid, has an abortion does she begin
to respect her mother. Through this plot, Oates suggests that a loss of inno-
cence is necessary to develop the “self-knowledge . . . necessary if Americans
are to revise their conception of the family romance and to mature as a
nation” (Daly 1996, 192). In this regard, Reagan’s politics actually helped,