Authors: Donald B. Kraybill,Steven M. Nolt,David L. Weaver-Zercher
The Amish Way (27 page)
It’s unlikely that many twenty-first-century Americans would want to imitate the Amish in all their ways. Still, there are many things we can learn from them. The power of community in shaping religious convictions and habits is surely the most significant lesson for the rest of us. Sociologists are quick to remind us that our practices and visions are best sustained when we journey with a band of fellow travelers who share similar views and values. In other words, our religious beliefs are more robust and our affections are less fickle when we immerse ourselves in communities that deeply share and vigorously support a common purpose. It is difficult—indeed impossible—to imagine the Amish way apart from such a community.
What can we learn from the Amish? That a vital and meaningful spiritual life—one that enables a person to face life’s perils with courage and confidence—is best nurtured in a supportive community. Few of us will commit to a community as costly as that of the Amish, and one marked by trust and accountability requires months if not years of effort.Yet whatever way we choose, the Amish way reminds us that the spiritual life is a journey best shared in the company of others.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Supportive community, a theme so prominent in Amish life, was an essential part of writing and producing this book. We are grateful for the kindness and generosity of numerous people who assisted us with this project.We owe a large debt to the many Amish people who generously shared their time to talk with us. They patiently answered many questions and explained their spiritual beliefs and practices. This book would have been impossible without their insights.
Many other persons assisted us as well. We especially thank Cynthia Nolt, whose superb copyediting skills improved our text at every turn.Valerie Weaver-Zercher’s editorial eyes sharpened our argument and enhanced our prose.We also appreciate the assistance of Sarah Biedka, Ambre Biehl, Steve Scott, and Julia Ward, who provided a variety of research and support services. As always, we benefited from the support of our colleagues at Elizabethtown College, Goshen College, and Messiah College. The Young Center of Elizabethtown College and its director, Jeff Bach, graciously provided accommodations and assistance for all phases of our research and writing.
The text of
The Amish Way
is more accurate and flows in a more lively fashion because a number of people graciously gave their time to read and critique drafts of the manuscript. We appreciate the thoughtful responses and critiques we received from Eileen Kinch, Christie Onoda, Jen Rankin, Ben Riehl, Craig Winslow, and two Amish readers who wish to remain anonymous. They raised good questions, and though we could not address all of them, our text is stronger because of their insights.
The Amish Way
is more accurate and flows in a more lively fashion because a number of people graciously gave their time to read and critique drafts of the manuscript. We appreciate the thoughtful responses and critiques we received from Eileen Kinch, Christie Onoda, Jen Rankin, Ben Riehl, Craig Winslow, and two Amish readers who wish to remain anonymous. They raised good questions, and though we could not address all of them, our text is stronger because of their insights.
With warm enthusiasm, Sheryl Fullerton, executive editor at Jossey-Bass, and her team of colleagues encouraged us in numerous ways, and transformed our manuscript into a polished book. We deeply appreciated their professional expertise throughout the publication process. As always, our agent, Giles Anderson, furnished us with superb guidance and support as we negotiated the publishing world.
Finally, we are deeply grateful to our spouses and families. They provide us with unwavering support and affection, helping keep us balanced amid editing and deadlines. We are blessed to have such loving and faithful people in our lives.
APPENDIX I: THE AMISH OF NORTH AMERICA
The Anabaptist movement emerged in sixteenth-century Europe at the time of the Protestant Reformation. Sometimes called the radical wing of the Reformation, the Anabaptists emphasized a literal interpretation of the teachings of Jesus, especially the Sermon on the Mount. They rejected infant baptism, arguing that baptism should signify a voluntary adult decision to follow Jesus—and on that basis they proceeded to baptized one another into the movement. Because these radicals had all been baptized in the state church years earlier as infants, their detractors called them
Anabaptists
, meaning rebaptizers.
Anabaptists
, meaning rebaptizers.
The Anabaptist call for a voluntary church separate from government oversight infuriated Catholic and Protestant religious leaders as well as civil officials and brought severe persecution. During the movement’s first century, as many as twenty-five hundred were executed, often burned at the stake or decapitated. Hundreds more were tortured or imprisoned. This persecution fortified the Anabaptist view that the true church would always be a minority and produced a countercultural ethic of separatism. Small, scattered groups with diverse interpretations of faith and practice characterized the early Anabaptist movement.
In 1536 a Dutch Catholic priest, Menno Simons, converted to Anabaptism and eventually became a prolific writer and influential leader. In time many of his followers became known as
Mennonites
. A century and a half later, in the 1690s, another Anabaptist convert named Jakob Ammann led a renewal movement in Switzerland and the Alsatian region of France. According to Ammann, Anabaptists in his area had become enamored of their social standing; he therefore encouraged stricter Christian practices enforced by vigorous church discipline. Ammann’s followers eventually became known as
Amish
. Sharing a common Anabaptist heritage, the Amish and Mennonites have been separate groups within the Anabaptist family since 1693.
Mennonites
. A century and a half later, in the 1690s, another Anabaptist convert named Jakob Ammann led a renewal movement in Switzerland and the Alsatian region of France. According to Ammann, Anabaptists in his area had become enamored of their social standing; he therefore encouraged stricter Christian practices enforced by vigorous church discipline. Ammann’s followers eventually became known as
Amish
. Sharing a common Anabaptist heritage, the Amish and Mennonites have been separate groups within the Anabaptist family since 1693.
Amish and Mennonites immigrated separately to North America but often settled in the same areas. The Amish arrived in several waves, first in the mid-1700s and again in the 1800s. They established settlements in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana and eventually spread to other states. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Amish struggled with how to respond to changes produced by the Industrial Revolution, evangelical revivalism, and the encroachments of a mass, consumer-oriented society. During this time many Amish joined various Mennonite groups. The Amish who held to the older customs became known as the
Old Order Amish
. The terms
Amish
and
Old Order Amish
are often used interchangeably.
Old Order Amish
. The terms
Amish
and
Old Order Amish
are often used interchangeably.
In the twenty-first century there are numerous Mennonite groups as well as Amish groups in North America. Although some Old Order Mennonites (traditional communities that formed in the late nineteenth century) use horse-and-buggy transportation, many Mennonites drive cars, wear contemporary clothing, support higher education, and use modern technology. Almost all Amish groups reject these things, and for that reason they have become renowned in the United States and beyond for their distinctive way of life.
District, Settlement, and AffiliationAmish society is organized into self-governing local churches.The Amish refer to a church as a
Gmay
, which is a dialect form of the German word
Gemeinde
, or community. Each
Gmay
is defined as a
district
, with geographical boundaries marked by such things as roads and streams. The district is the socioreligious home for twenty-five to forty households. Amish who live in a particular district become members of that
Gmay
when they are baptized, typically between sixteen and twenty-one years of age. The close physical proximity encourages face-to-face interaction in daily life. Each church district has its own leaders—always men—typically a bishop, two or three ministers, and a deacon.
Gmay
, which is a dialect form of the German word
Gemeinde
, or community. Each
Gmay
is defined as a
district
, with geographical boundaries marked by such things as roads and streams. The district is the socioreligious home for twenty-five to forty households. Amish who live in a particular district become members of that
Gmay
when they are baptized, typically between sixteen and twenty-one years of age. The close physical proximity encourages face-to-face interaction in daily life. Each church district has its own leaders—always men—typically a bishop, two or three ministers, and a deacon.
A cluster of church districts in a particular region is known as a
settlement
. A settlement might be small and contain only one or two districts, or it might encompass more than a hundred districts and cover several counties. The largest settlements are centered in Holmes County, Ohio (more than 220 districts); Lancaster County, Pennsylvania (175); and LaGrange County, Indiana (136).
settlement
. A settlement might be small and contain only one or two districts, or it might encompass more than a hundred districts and cover several counties. The largest settlements are centered in Holmes County, Ohio (more than 220 districts); Lancaster County, Pennsylvania (175); and LaGrange County, Indiana (136).
Church districts that have similar practices and whose leaders cooperate with one another are known as
affiliations
. Unlike districts and settlements, which are geographically defined, affiliations are based on shared lifestyle regulations and church practices. Members within an affiliation interact together, often intermarry, and permit their ministers to preach in one another’s worship services. There are more than three dozen affiliations of Amish in North America, each with its own distinctive practices. No central organization or national church authority holds the subgroups together; there are no Amish synods, dioceses, or denominational offices or programs. Most
Gmay
s in an affiliation have similar practices, but even so, the ultimate authority for Amish life and practice lies in the local
Gmay
.
Growth and Diversityaffiliations
. Unlike districts and settlements, which are geographically defined, affiliations are based on shared lifestyle regulations and church practices. Members within an affiliation interact together, often intermarry, and permit their ministers to preach in one another’s worship services. There are more than three dozen affiliations of Amish in North America, each with its own distinctive practices. No central organization or national church authority holds the subgroups together; there are no Amish synods, dioceses, or denominational offices or programs. Most
Gmay
s in an affiliation have similar practices, but even so, the ultimate authority for Amish life and practice lies in the local
Gmay
.
There are some 425 Amish settlements spread across twenty-eight U.S. states and the Canadian province of Ontario. All totaled, these settlements include approximately eighteen hundred church districts. Nearly two-thirds of the Amish population lives in three states: Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. Wisconsin, Michigan, Missouri, and New York also have sizable Amish populations.
One might expect a traditional group that rejects higher education, car ownership, and the Internet to be on the wane. Surprisingly, the Amish population is doubling about every twenty years. Counting adults and children, they currently number more than 240,000. Large families and strong retention rates propel their growth. On average, families have about seven children, but it’s not unusual to have ten or more. Typically, about 90 percent of their youth join the church. Although the Amish do not seek converts, outsiders may join if they comply with Amish guidelines.
The Amish may all look alike to outsiders, but practices vary widely among the more than forty affiliations. For example, most groups have battery-powered lights on their carriages, but the most conservative affiliations use only kerosene lanterns. The vast majority of Amish homes have indoor bathrooms, but members in the most traditional groups walk to the outhouse. In some regions of the country, power lawn mowers are permitted, but not in others. The women in one affiliation may use only treadle (foot-powered) sewing machines, but those in another group may power their sewing machines with batteries or pressurized air. Some communities are wealthy, and others are rather poor. Even within affiliations and local church districts, technological and economic diversity is present. Racial diversity, however, is not. With very few exceptions, Amish people are Caucasian.
Religious practices vary somewhat from one affiliation to another. There may be recognizable differences in the order of worship from one subgroup to another, and in the procedures surrounding church discipline. Many affiliations are open to reading books and devotional materials written by other Christians, but members of the most traditional affiliations confine their religious diet to the Bible and old Anabaptist sources. An affiliation known as the New Order Amish is more comfortable than most with verbalizing faith and attracting converts from outside Amish households.
TechnologyMany outsiders mistakenly think the Amish reject technology. It is more accurate to say that they use technology selectively. Televisions, radios, and personal computers are rejected outright, but other types of technology are used selectively or modified to fit Amish purposes. Amish mechanics also build new machines to accommodate their cultural guidelines.
The Amish do not consider technology evil in itself, but they believe that technology, if left untamed, will undermine worthy traditions and accelerate assimilation into the surrounding society. “It’s what it will do to the next generation,” said one bishop. Mass media technology in particular, they fear, would introduce foreign values into their culture. A car is seen not as immoral but as a harmful tool that would pull the community apart. Horse-and-buggy transportation keeps the community anchored in its local geographical base. Cars would bring greater mobility that would erode local ties.
Most Amish groups forbid using electricity from public utility lines. Electricity from batteries is more local, controllable, and independent from the outside world. In some settlements, for example, Amish use batteries to power LED lights on buggies, calculators, fans, flashlights, cash registers, and copy machines. Solar energy is sometimes used to charge batteries, operate electric fences, and power household appliances. Use of the Internet is generally forbidden. Some groups permit the use of battery-powered word processors, and one brand uses Microsoft software but does not have Internet capabilities. Some Amish people who work in non-Amish companies use computers on a regular basis at work. This practice illustrates the Amish distinction between using and owning technology.
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