Read Terror in the Balkans Online
Authors: Ben Shepherd
Tags: #History, #Europe, #Military, #World War II, #Science & Math, #Earth Sciences, #Geography, #Regional
immediate result was that Mihailovic´’s Chetniks now openly joined the
revolt.152 The most important joint Partisan–Chetnik operations were
near Krupanj, Valjevo, and Kraljevo, and the epicenter of their coopera-
tion was northwest Serbia. The Germans’ increased Luftwaffe support,
mainly in the form of Stuka dive bombers, could only achieve so much
in the face of them.153
The principal town in the 704th’s jurisdiction was Valjevo. But, due
above all to explosions on the Valjevo-Užice road, the danger to the
town’s supply was growing daily, and coal stocks were so low that the
troops were forced to plunder the coal supply in the munitions factory
in Vistad. Meanwhile, every insurgent act of sabotage against roads,
railways, and bridges increased the town’s isolation.154 On September
12 General Borowski was forced to fl y from Belgrade to the 704th’s head-
quarters in Valjevo because of the insurgent roadblocks crisscrossing the
main road.155 Many of the division’s units were also cut off, and some—
such as the 724th Infantry Regiment’s tenth and eleventh companies, sta-
tioned in Krupanj—faced annihilation.
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The reports compiled by these two companies convey such a sense of
approaching doom, and of the brutalizing fear it spawned, that they are
worth recounting at length.
Both companies believed the disaster that befell them in early Sep-
tember could have been foreseen. Eleventh company claimed that “this
catastrophe came about because both companies were situated far from
the battalion in bandit-infested, diffi cult terrain. It requires no strategic
ability to cut the troops off from all relief and strike at their backs.”156
Particularly when, in the words of tenth company, the “bandits” were
obviously so strong:
Alarming news about the frequency of bandit unrest in the Krupanj
area was increasing during the fi nal days before the attack. Accord-
ing to these rumors, 1,000 men had gathered near Kamenica. In Ban-
jevac, a village next door to Krupanj, another 400–500 bandits were
said to be active. In the direct vicinity of Krupanj post offi ces and
administrative offi ces were being plundered. Headmen, truck driv-
ers, and workers who had ignored the bandits’ warning were being
shot. Small individual Wehrmacht units were being attacked, motor-
ized columns fi red upon and observation posts in Bela Orvka and
Stolica attacked. Despite all efforts, nothing could be done against
the bandits. These events undermined the Wehrmacht’s status and
reliability in the eyes of the Serbian population.157
As a result, the population’s support for the insurgents was growing: “in
the behavior of the population towards Wehrmacht members, an inner,
icy aversion and an all-unifying hatred towards anything German could
be felt.”158
The prelude to the main insurgent attack was a clash on the morning
of September 2. This engagement, and the fear that affl icted the troops
in Krupanj in its aftermath, are described by tenth company:
On Monday 9/1 at 22.00, NCO Seifert reported in from the watch at
Stolica with the news that the watch had been attacked by a strong
bandit group. On 9/2 at 06.00, a commando of fi ve squads led by
Lieutenant Rehmer and Lieutenant Halder, together with Medical
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NCO Heinrich,159 set out for Stolica to clarify the situation. On the
way, at the north-west exit of Pirstica, the commando encountered
a road block (two-deep felled trees, several meters high), which was
nevertheless undefended. About 800 meters in front of Stolica the
commando encountered an escaped troop from the Stolica watch
consisting of two NCOs and eleven men. At the same time, two
armed men were observed on the heights south-east of Stolica. The
commando opened fi re immediately; this was answered with heavy
fi re from rifl es and light machine-guns on the heights either side of
the road. Lieutenant Rehmer took two squads onto the slopes east of
the road. The enemy could not be seen.
In consequence of the ever more frequent reports that the bandits
were massing and that Stolica had been attacked, the company had
already been in a state of high alert for the past week. The hospi-
tal had been converted into a defensive strongpoint . . . That the
population of Krupanj had deliberately fl ed (from the Germans) was
clear from the behavior of the district chief. At 13.00 I entrusted him
with providing 20 men for a work detail. The mayor arrived himself
and explained that he could not carry this order out, even on pain
of being arrested or shot, for the entire population of Krupanj had
disappeared into the forest. It is clear from this that the whole popu-
lation was informed of the attack in advance, and that its behavior
indicates that it had been working with the bandits closely.160
“On Tuesday 9/2 at 20.45,” reported tenth company, “our watch brought
in an envoy with an offer to capitulate.”161 This part of the story is best
conveyed by eleventh company, which was stationed in the school
and received the ultimatum sooner. At eight in the evening a boy had
appeared with a note for tenth company from the leader of the Chetnik
forces surrounding them: “I demand your unconditional surrender; you
are completely encircled, no one will be harmed, you will be held pris-
oner until the end of the war. If you accept, fi re three fl ares off at 21.00.
If you refuse, the attack will resume at this time and you will be slaugh-
tered.”162 Both companies rejected the ultimatum. Then, “on Wednes-
day night at 00.30 a new attack began. It was a noise from hell, for the
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volume was doubled in the valley. They bombarded our positions, par-
ticularly in the hospital, with grenade launchers.”163
Tenth company then picks up the story:
At 00.30 on 9/3 the bandits opened up a heavy fi re on our fi ve out-
posts. These pulled back into the hospital buildings. We returned
fi re, even though all we had to aim at was the fl ashes from the mouths
of the enemy guns. The enemy attacked in this way four times dur-
ing the night, whereby the fi nal attack, at 06.00, was the heaviest of
all. During the day the hospital was subjected to persistent light rifl e
fi re, and even to machine-gun fi re from time to time. Sharpshooters
fi red from a distance of 100 to 200 meters upon doors, windows, and
walkways in the hospital. The fi re grew heavier when they spotted
our men moving around. We could only move by crawling, jumping
or dragging ourselves from place to place, and that with the greatest
care. It was impossible to leave the building. During the time follow-
ing the attack on Stolica the men could neither sleep nor relax, but
remained in a state of constant alert.164
Our machine-gun posts and grenade-launcher post on the south
side of the roof had to be abandoned when dawn broke, because the
enemy had fi red upon them with a 3.7 cm gun . . . Our machine-guns
took up position by the windows on the third fl oor of the hospital.
From the day of the fi rst attack it was impossible to prepare warm
food for the men, because the kitchens . . . were under constant fi re.
The men received only greatly reduced amounts of cold provisions
such as meat conserve, eggs, and iron portions.
In the night Corporal Volmer was wounded with a shot to the head.
The next morning NCO Ulrich was wounded in the thigh when
relieving a machine-gun post.165 In addition, three wounded from
the Stolica watch lay in the police station.
At the break of darkness the fi re attacks began again, bigger than
before, and increasing in intensity and duration. Between 23.00 and
24.00 fl ashes of light were seen in the direction of Stolica and Moi-
evica at fi fteen-minute intervals, coming nearer and nearer to Krupanj.
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At midnight a worsening of the weather set in with heavy clouds. The
moonlight, which had been providing good vision, deteriorated, and
at the same time the enemy fi re stopped. At 02.00 on 9/3 (sic), in com-
plete darkness, a heavy fi re bombardment began, lasting between 30
and 45 minutes. Because nothing could be seen of the enemy, we had
to restrict ourselves to laying down machine-gun, rifl e, and grenade
launcher fi re to prevent the enemy from breaking into the buildings.
It was established, by fi ring fl ares after the exchange was over, that the
stretch of ground in front of the hospital was clear of the enemy. But
enemy rifl e fi re continued with varying degrees of intensity.166
By evening on September 3, both companies already knew their posi-
tion was in imminent danger of being overwhelmed, and they burned all
their documents as a precaution: “At 22.00 on 9/3 I (Lieutenant Rehmer)
burned all secret documents . . . (On the morning of 4 September) the
enemy laid down a well-targeted rifl e fi re on all windows in the hospital.
The only relief for the men came through air support
.” Attacks on the insur-
gents by Stuka dive bombers the following day provided some respite,
but Lieutenant Rehmer himself was wounded, “whereupon I handed
over command to Sergeant Kreidel.”167 Eleventh company reported that
“Tenth company was unable to take one step outside, and thus spent four
days without water. Everyone was on constant alert from daybreak all the
way through to the next morning. And so on and so on.”168
On September 4 both companies realized they had to break out immedi-
ately or be destroyed. According to tenth company, “even before the attack,
the men were seriously exhausted from almost constant watch with only
brief respite. After the attack on Stolica the men knew no more rest at all . . .
Lack of sleep, exhaustion and the effect of the events, not to mention the
lack of supply and water, put the men in a nervous and overstrained condi-
tion. Ammunition was scarce . . . Under these conditions the hospital could
have held out at best for one more night and one more day. The promised
help never came, and therefore on 4 September a breakout was judged the
only remaining option.” As a preliminary, all supplies were destroyed.169
Then, “240 kilograms of explosives blew the hospital sky-high.”170
Tenth company described what happened next: “The medical offi cer,
Dr. Höhne, remained behind to care for the wounded. Some wounded,
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including Lieutenant Rehmer, who had been wounded by splinters from a
hand grenade, took part in the breakout, and with immense effort were able
to prevail.” But, “despite the greatest of care, the breakout became scattered
into small groups. Sergeant Kreidel headed further east over the steep,
rocky mountain face, where he was surprised at a house on the heights
by bandits and, according to the troops behind him . . . was shot.” Sev-
eral other soldiers were picked off during this phase. “Of the main group
under Captain Seifert, the only men of tenth company to make it through to
Valjevo were the wounded Lieutenant Rehmer, fi ve NCOs, and 30 men.”171
Worse still was the plight of eleventh company. It was held up by mines
and other obstacles from the start. Further on its escape route was blocked
again, this time by a demolished bridge: “With infernal pleasure the ban-
dits wanted to gloat at our helplessness.”172 The company had to leave its
own equipment and wounded behind. “What happened to our wounded
I have no idea . . . In the evening at 22.30 we arrived in Valjevo . . . Up until
now we are still missing 42 men. How many are dead and wounded can-
not yet be established.”173
One staff offi cer in LXV Corps greeted this debacle with apoplexy. “The
shit the bandits are dealing out is just beyond belief now,” he wrote in a
private letter. “Today a general told us that two companies (!) have been
missing for fourteen days (!!!) Just imagine that!! Two companies taken
prisoner!!! With fi ve offi cers and so on!!! We’re searching for them with
aircraft, day and night!!! You just want to scream right at the heavens!!!!!”174
The two companies’ assessment was more analytical—and more remark-
able for it, considering what they had been through. Eleventh company
wrote: “against encirclement from behind we were completely powerless.
A probe into such mountainous and forested territory as around Kru-
panj, Stolica, Zajaca will lead either to no success, because the enemy can
escape with ease, or to defeat if the bandits are strong enough. The land is
so peppered with ravines that the use of trucks, maybe even tanks, is also
fruitless, for the enemy can put down roadblock after roadblock which
cannot be removed within a short space of time.”175
Of the insurgents themselves, tenth company wrote that “the bandits
can be thankful for their communications network, which runs quickly
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from village to village across otherwise impassable terrain. The only