Read Handbook on Sexual Violence Online

Authors: Jennifer Sandra.,Brown Walklate

Handbook on Sexual Violence (2 page)

Focus Group 475

Sheila Coates

Conclusion: taking stock –
plus ¸ca change, plus c’est la mˆeme chose?
485

Sandra Walklate and Jennifer Brown

Glossary of terms 501

Index 503

Figures

    1. Recorded crime in England and Wales of the most serious

      sexual offices 2000–2010 4

    2. Recorded crime of rape of males and females in England and

Wales 2000–2010 4

3.1 Self-reported behavioural intentions if raped 80

5.1 The process for victims who report to the police and the role of

the STO 119

    1. Incidence and prevalence (since 16 years of age) of intimate

      violence experienced in 2008/09 in England and Wales 158

    2. A model differentiating subclasses of sexual violence (adapted

      from Canter 2000) 171

    3. Potential crossover between subclasses of sexual violence 172

    4. Continuum of rapists’ and murderers’ behaviours (after Salfati

      and Taylor 2006) 173

    5. Themes associated with sexual violence 175

16.1 The pyramid of sexually abusive online contacts 368

C.1 Different outcomes of sexual behaviours 490

Tables

I.1 Police and CPS data on numbers of domestic violence

incidences and rapes 2006–2009 5

    1. Prevalence of sexual violence among adults aged 16–59 in the

      last year, England and Wales, % (British Crime Survey) 94

    2. Prevalence of intimate violence in the last year (partner abuse, non-sexual; sexual assault), %, England and Wales (British Crime

      Survey) 94

    3. Police-recorded crime statistics on sexual offences, England and

      Wales 96

    4. Police recorded crime statistics on specific forms of violence 2002/03–2008/09, England and Wales 96

    5. Forced marriage protection order applications made since implementation in November 2008 to end of October 2009 99

    6. Forced marriage protection orders made since implementation

      in November 2008 to end of October 2009 99

    7. Estimates for forced marriage, FGM and trafficking 99

    8. Reports, prosecutions and convictions for rape, England and Wales 102

    9. Rape of a female: number of offices, sanction detections and number of offenders found guilty or cautioned for rape of a

      female, England and Wales 102

    10. Sanction detection rates by offence group and selected offence types, percentages and percentage point change between 2007/08

      and 2008/09 103

    11. Rape crime: pre-charge decisions and completed convictions by outcome, England and Wales 103

    12. Sexual offices excluding rape: completed convictions by

      outcome, England and Wales 104

    13. Total offenders proceeded against and total found guilty,

all courts, England and Wales 106

    1. Definitions of different types of sexual violence 162

    2. Behaviours associated with subclasses of sexual violence 164

    3. Reconceptualising Kelly’s prevalence continuum 171

8.1 Crime in London 2008 188

19.1 Summary of rape figures quoted 421

Acas Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service ACPO Association of Chief Police Officers

BCS British Crime Survey CA Children Act 1989

CBT Cognitive behavioural therapy

CDVP Community Domestic Violence Programme

CEDAW United Nations Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women

CER Campaign to End Rape CJS Criminal justice system

CLAA Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 COSA Circles of Support and Accountability CPAG Child Poverty Action Group

CPS Crown Prosecution Service CRB Criminal Records Bureau

CWASU Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit

DASH Domestic Abuse, Stalking and Harassment and Honour based Violence Risk Identification Assessment and Management Model

DSPD Dangerous and severe personality disorder EHRC Equalities and Human Rights Commission EVAW End Violence Against Women

FGM Female genital mutilation FME Forensic medical examiner FMU Forced Marriage Unit

FSS Forensic Science Service

GEO Government Equalities Office GLM Good Lives Model

GUM Genito-urinary medicine clinic

IDAP Integrated Domestic Abuse Programme IDVA Independent domestic violence adviser IO Investigating officer

IPPC Independent Police Complaints Commission ISVA Independent sexual violence adviser

JCHR Joint Committee on Human Rights LGBT Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transsexual

MAPPA Multi-agency public protection arrangements MARAC Multi-agency risk assessment conference

MPFSL Metropolitan Police Forensic Science Laboratory MPS Metropolitan Police Service

NGO Non-governmental organisation

NPIA National Policing Improvement Agency

NPS National Probation Service (England and Wales)

OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development PACE Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984

PCL-R Psychopathy Checklist Revised PHA Public health approach

PIP Professionalising Investigation Programme PTSD Post-traumatic stress disorder

SANE Sexual assault nurse examiner programme (USA) SARA Spousal Assault Risk Assessment

SARC Sexual assault referral centre

SARN Structured Assessment of Risk and Need SART Sexual assault response team

SDVC Specialist domestic violence court SIO Senior investigating officer

SOA Sexual Offences Act

SOE Sexual offences examiner

SOIT Sexual offences investigative techniques SOLO Sexual office liaison officer

STD Sexually transmitted disease STI Sexually transmitted infection STO Specially trained officer

TDI The Derwent Initiative

UKHTC United Kingdom Human Trafficking Centre VAW Violence against women

VES Victim examination suite

WNC Women’s National Commission

YJCEA Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999

This Handbook is the product of the research and scholarship of our contributors. We are grateful to them for sharing their enthusiasm for this project and for addressing their very considerable intellectual talents to the problems arising from sexual violence. Our practitioner commentators rose magnificently to the task we set them in looking at the practice implications of chapters in the various sections of the book. We very much wanted this to be an interdisciplinary text with a unifying thread connecting the chapters. We chose the continuum of violence conceived by Liz Kelly as the common element. Liz has worked tirelessly in the area of women and children’s sexual victimisation and her research achievements go well beyond the boundaries of these pages. Scholars and those affected by sexual violence have much to appreciate from her endeavours. We wish too to thank Julia Willan for her assistance in preparing the book. We hope that the chapters will interest, provoke and contribute to more understanding, better policies, and full implementation of recommendations concerning interventions to prevent, investigate, prosecute and support those involved in sexual violence.

Preface

Standing the test of time? Reflections on the concept of the continuum of sexual violence
1

Liz Kelly

Meet Liz Kelly

Liz Kelly holds the Roddick Chair on violence against women at London Metropolitan University, where she has been Director of the Child and Woman Abuse Studies Unit (
www.cwasu.org
) for almost 20 years. The Unit is recognised as a ‘world leader’ for its policy-relevant research and also runs the only MA in Women and Child Abuse in Europe. The concept of the ‘continuum of violence’ was developed during Liz’s PhD research, and has been used – sometimes in ways not intended – by many around the globe since. It is perhaps the most satisfying contribution one can make as an academic to bring something into language which stands the test of time.

It seems appropriate in this preface to locate the concept of the continuum of sexual violence
2
(Kelly 1987) in my own and wider feminist thinking. In the 1980s the knowledge base and theoretical frameworks available were considerably less developed than today, and for much of the twentieth

century violence against women was considered rare, committed by deviant men and/or in dysfunctional families, with a focus in theorising – academic and populist – on how the victims contributed to their own fate. Much of what we knew as feminists, therefore, originated not in research, but consciousness-raising (CR) groups and/or working in women’s services, especially refuges and rape crisis centres. Both were spaces in which women told stories about their lives, and in the process questioned clinical and research constructions, which in turn led to making links between what in traditional discourses were considered disconnected events/experiences. There was not at this point, however, a strong sense of just how common violence was in women’s lives, and many key feminist texts continued to differentiate men who used violence from the majority of ‘normal’ men (see, for example, Brownmiller 1975).

This was the context in which I began my PhD, within which the continuum concept emerged. The impetus to explore the range of forms of violence in women’s lives was twofold: my own encounters with ‘minor’ intimate intrusions as an adolescent and listening to women in CR groups and workshops tell similar stories, including how they changed their behaviour as

a consequence; and a young Finnish au pair who sought out the refuge I worked in as a place to ‘be’ on her day off. She was the first to recount to me a story of sexual abuse by her father, and saw connections between her story and those of the women living in the refuge, which in turn raised new questions for me. The first issue raised the fundamental question of who decides what is abusive, what matters, what should be counted; the second, what is it that connects violations that take place in different relationships/ contexts/points in the life course? The concept of the continuum, and the thinking that informed it, was an engagement with both, and extended existing feminist analysis of particular forms of violence. Judith Herman (1981) had defined incest as an exaggeration of patriarchal family norms rather than a departure from them and Scully and Marolla (1985) argued that rape was the end point of a ‘socially sanctioned continuum of male sexual aggression’. Both located sexual violence within the structures of patriarchy, and what would later be theorised as heteronormativity (Jackson 1999) and constructions of masculinity (Connell 1995).

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