Consuming Passions: Leisure and Pleasure in Victorian Britain (22 page)

The
Town
, which started in 1837, was similar, but it was unstamped, and therefore cost only 2
d.
, instead of the 6
d.
that those newspapers which paid tax were forced to charge. Being unstamped, it could not legally carry any news, including any references to politics. But even without news its low price brought it a readership at the bottom end of the middle classes, as can be seen from the large proportion of articles promoting a reduction in working hours, or its several series on different types of workplace, which discussed particularly the head clerks aiming itself at a readership of junior clerks with ambitions. It also published numerous accounts of ‘Sketches of courtezans’, ‘Brothels and Brothelkeepers’, ‘Cigar shops and pretty women’, and articles on ‘free and easies’ (the precursors to music hall; see pp. 372-4), as well as carrying advertisements for books with titles like
Venus’s Album, or, Rosebuds of Love
, which sounds like pornography, but was advertised as a collection of ‘the best double-entendre, flash, and comic songs’.
⁶⁰

For a couple of decades early in the nineteenth century there was a demand for newspapers that were more concerned with gossip and
scandal:
John Bull
(1820),
Paul Pry
(1830/31), the
Satirist
(1831) and the
New Satirist
(1841), and the
Crim.-Con. Gazette
(1840).
*
Some of these had started off as political journals:
John Bull
was Tory, the
Satirist
an interesting mix of anti-Chartist, anti-abolition, pro-parliamentaryreform, pro-O’Connell views. But ultimately they were - or became - little more than organs of vituperation, as with
John Bull
’s abuse of that ‘elderly smug Cockney, William Hazlitt,
alias
Bill Pimple,
alias
the Great Shabberon [a mean, shabby person]…an old weather-beaten, pimplesnouted gin-smelling man, like a Pimlico tailor, with ink-dyed hands, a corrugated forehead, and a
spiritous nose
’. The
Satirist
and the
Age
were even worse - they had swiftly degenerated into blackmail sheets: ‘If a Reader of the Satirist will furnish us with evidence of the “publication” on the part of the “Gin-and-water Curate residing in the neighbourhood of Dorset-square”, we will make the reverend tipler [
sic
] repeat it.’ The paper then either received information from disgruntled or vindictive readers, for which it (sometimes) paid, or the person written about got in touch with the editor, and a pay-off guaranteed the rapid insertion of a paragraph countering the original claims.
⁶²

By the 1840s these frankly vicious papers had more or less run their course, and had either closed or turned respectable. Instead
Reynolds’s
,
Lloyd’s
and the
News of the World
took over their readerships. There were also, from the 1840s, new penny papers for unskilled workers: the
Penny Times
, which appears, from its pictures, to have expected an audience who read only with difficulty, and centred around episodes of murder, abduction, rape and other violent crimes, and
Bell’s Penny Dispatch, and Sporting and Police Gazette, and Newspaper of Romance, and Penny Sunday Chronicle
(all one title), which had ‘thrilling tales’ every week. These tales took off, and as politics - particularly radical politics - became less of a selling point on the collapse of the Chartist movement, more and more papers joined in:
Clark’s Weekly Dispatch
ran ‘A Ghost Story’ in 1841,
Bell’s
began a serial ‘The Green Man’ in 1842, and in 1843
Lloyd’s Penny Sunday Times and People’s Police Gazette
had ‘The Waltz of Death’ by C. G.
Ainsworth, with a gory illustration on the front page.
*
⁶³
(This paper was made up entirely of fiction and police reports, so it didn’t need to be stamped - hence its 1
d.
price, compared to the 7
d.
charged by the
Sunday Times.
) The journalist Henry Vizetelly, looking back at the end of the century, remembered these ‘lengthy and exciting stories, telling how rich and poor babies were wickedly changed in their perambulators by conniving nursemaids, how long-lost wills miraculously turned up in the nick of time’. The characters were always of a type: ‘The villains were generally of high birth and repulsive presence; the lowly personages were always of ravishing beauty and unsullied virtue. Innocence and loveliness in a gingham gown were perpetually pursued by vice and debauchery in varnished boots and spotless gloves. Life was surrounded by mystery; detectives were ever on the watch, and the most astonishing pitfalls and mantraps were concealed in the path of the unwary and of the innocent.’
⁶⁴
These tales all had illustrations in keeping with the Gothic sensibilities of their stories. The
British Quarterly Review
in 1859 warned its readers that

with few exceptions…[such stories were] of a violent or sinister character. There is usually either a ‘deed of blood’ going forward, or preparations for it. If there be not a dishevelled villain in a slouch hat shooting a fair gentleman in lace and tassels, or a brawny savage dragging an unprotected female into a cavern by the hair of her head, we may reckon at least upon a man in a cloak watching from behind a rock, or a ‘situation’ of thrilling interest, in which the figures look as if they had been taken in a spasm, and were suddenly petrified.
⁶⁵

This type of fiction was to prove lucrative for newspapers in general, and for William Frederic Tillotson in particular. He was the proprietor of the
Bolton Evening News
, which he established in 1867. Soon he also owned the
Bolton Journal and Guardian
, and then local editions of this paper (renamed the
Bolton Weekly Journal
), which served a number of towns in Lancashire. In 1872 he published in his Saturday paper a weekly serial called ‘Biddy MacCarthy; or, the Murder of the O’Haras’. This was not substantially different from tales published by his many colleagues,
but his next move was. The following year he set up a ‘fiction bureau’, becoming a broker of fiction, or agent, buying work from authors and selling it on to other newspapers. By the early 1880s he had over sixty established authors on his books for serialized work, including Harrison Ainsworth, R. M. Ballantyne, J. M. Barrie, Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Rhoda Broughton, Wilkie Collins, Conan Doyle, Thomas Hardy, Rudyard Kipling, Eliza Lynn Linton, Captain Marryat, Mrs Oliphant, Trollope, Charles Reade and H. G. Wells. By the 1890s he had agents working for him in the USA, in Europe and in the British colonies.
⁶⁶
Tillotson’s reach meant that authors’ work was seen in local papers that, without his centralized selling, would not have had a chance of acquiring the work of such successful writers. For example, in 1900 a short story by Arnold Bennett appeared simultaneously in the
Queen
; the
Evesham Journal
, the
Nottingham Guardian
, the
Manchester Weekly Times
, the
Weston-super-Mare Mercury
, the
Cardiff Times
, the
Newcastle Courant
, the
Carlisle Journal
, the
Sheffield Independent
and the
Huddersfied Chronicle.
But Tillotson’s work was not finished, and the story was then reprinted in the
Aberdeen Free Press
,
Irish Society
, the
Blackburn Times
, the
Deal Mercury
, the
Birmingham News
, the
Batley News
, the
Stratford News
, the
Salford Chronicle
, the
Barnsley Independent
, the
Bradford Telegraph
, the
Tiverton Gazette
, the
Portsmouth Telegraph
, the
Hartlepool Mail
, the
Sunderland Echo
and the
Bury Visitor.
⁶⁷
The financial stability of many small newspapers now depended on the quality of their fiction.

These papers had survived despite the London - now national - papers being easier to come by than ever throughout the country. The Post Office was still carrying newspapers without charge, but as early as 1827, two years after the opening of the first railway line, a shareholder in the soon-to-be-running Stockton and Darlington Railway wrote to Francis Freeling, the secretary (or administrative head) of the Post Office, notifying him that the railway ‘coaches were going as fast as any mail in the Kingdom, with one horse and fifty passengers’. With the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1830, Freeling was in touch with the postmasters in both cities to suggest that they enter into discussions with the railway to carry post; and only months after the line opened, and the first commercial train ran, a contract was agreed.
*
Within a decade, carrying the post by train was the norm: the London to Preston postal route, which had previously taken 24 hours from post office to post office, could now be travelled in 10 hours and 46 minutes.
⁶⁹

But long before this, in 1831, the Liverpool and Manchester was carrying newspapers between the two cities - without charge if the printers dropped them off at the station, and the newsagents collected them at the other end. The ‘without charge’ part didn’t last long, but the railways gave greatly reduced rates - up to half the going parcel-post rate - in return for volume and daily orders.
⁷⁰
A London newsagent, William Henry Smith, saw his chance. He and his brother Henry, ‘Newspaper Agents, Booksellers and Binders’, ran a business in Little Grosvenor Street that they had inherited from their father. In 1821 they opened a reading room in the Strand, stocking 150 newspapers, journals and reviews, and charging a stiff 1 guinea annual subscription. By 1826 they still had not quite found their niche, and were calling themselves ‘Stationers, Travelling-case and Pocket-book Makers, and Newsmen’. (In 1828 Henry left the business.) William understood that getting the news out first was what mattered. When daytime stagecoaches began to replace night coaches, he hired carts to collect the newspapers directly from the printers and deliver them, wrapped and addressed, to the stagecoach offices first thing in the morning. He advertised in
The Times
:

The Times
, published on Saturday, the 1st inst., at half-past eight o’clock in the morning, was forwarded, by special express, to Birmingham, where it arrived in time for the inland mails, by which subscribers to the above paper in Birmingham, Liverpool, Chester, Warrington, Manchester, Rochdale, Preston, Lancaster, &c., obtained their papers 14 hours before the arrival of the London mail. The above express was sent by Messrs. H. & W. Smith, newspaper agents, 192, Strand, London, who have sent several expresses since the Parliamentary sessions commenced.

On the death of George IV, in 1830, Smith hired his own boat to carry the news to Dublin, twenty-four hours ahead of the Royal Messenger - or so he boasted.
⁷¹

By 1838 he was deep in negotiations with the Grand Junction Company to carry newspapers by rail between Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool; by 1847 there were nine special newspaper trains in the region, and soon another ran from Carlisle to London. In 1848 a London train carrying newspapers to Edinburgh had knocked an hour and a half

off the regular travelling time between the two cities.
⁷²
Yet, odd as this may at first seem, none of this lessened the sale of local newspapers. By 1847, when W. H. Smith was selling 1,500 copies of the London papers in Manchester every day, the
Manchester Guardian
was happily selling 9,000. The London papers were more expensive, and the local news and advertisements were too important to be missed. With the coming of the telegraph (by 1848 there were over 5,600 kilometres of telegraph wires), the local papers could receive the news from London as quickly

as the London papers themselves, and they could be out on the streets for sale much more quickly.
⁷³

After the newspaper tax was abolished in 1855 (during the Crimean War, to allow the nation to follow the news), the
Daily Telegraph
reduced its price to 1
d.
in 1856.
*
The others followed swiftly: the
Standard
in 1858, then the
Daily News
, the
Daily Chronicle
, the
Pall Mall Gazette
, the
St James’s Gazette
and the
Morning Post.
Earlier, when all papers had high cover prices,
The Times
had outsold the next three best-selling papers combined; now it sold between 50,000 and 60,000 copies, while the
Daily News
raced ahead to peak at 150,000 (during the Franco-Prussian War), and the
Telegraph
at 200,000 - which it grandiosely, although probably accurately, claimed as the largest readership in the world.
⁷⁴

This increase in circulation was possible because of improved technology.
The first change came with improvements to paper manufacturing. In the early eighteenth century little paper of sufficient quality to be used for printing was produced in Britain; most paper manufactured in the country was too coarse to be used for anything except wrapping paper. This changed rapidly: in 1763 Edinburgh had three mills, producing 6,000 reams of paper a year; less than three decades later, in Edinburgh alone, twelve mills produced more than 100,000 reams annually.
⁷⁵
The main change, however, was not in the number of mills, but in the amount they produced. In the 1730s and 1740s Irish paper mills had begun to use water-powered Hollanders, rag-beating machines that dramatically reduced the amount of time it took to transform rags into pulp. With this one innovation, the number of mills doubled between 1738 and 1800, while their output quadrupled. The next big step came via the infant chemical industry. Until this time, paper had been white only if the rags that were used for pulp had also been pale in colour. In 1792 Clement and George Taylor in Kent took out a patent for bleaching rags by ‘dephlogisticated marine acid’, using sulphuric acid, manganese and salt. The same year Hector Campbell patented a method of bleaching textiles by gaseous chlorine, again using salt, manganese and sulphuric acid, although following a different method. His technique was more commercially viable, and it began to be used more generally. Now rags could be whitened, no matter how dark they had been to begin with, and white paper therefore became less expensive to produce.
⁷⁶