Read Michener, James A. Online
Authors: Texas
'I have now served in this forsaken place for three years and in that time have watched a steady stream of Americans sneaking in to steal our frontier. If you scoured the gutters of Europe, you could not find a worse collection of undesirables and troublemakers. Half who creep across the Neutral Ground seem to be fleeing the hangman's noose for murder. The other half have stolen money from their employers. Many were outright pirates with jean Lafitte, who now ravages the coast of Yucatan, and others fought alongside Philip Nolan when he tried to steal Tejas and was shot by our troops.
'The attempt by the United States to fill our countryside with its discarded criminals would be amusing were it not so dangerous. If such rabble continue to pour in, there can be only trouble.
'That's a pretty savage condemnation of our forebears, but we must temper it with the firsthand observations of the good Father Clooney of County Clare, who knew Ripperda and who must have observed the same immigrants upon whom the Mexican official based his harsh judgments:
'I admit that during those rainy days when we crossed the infamous Neutral Ground, I was apprehensive about the kind of people who would be forming my massive parish, for 1 was forced to officiate at several hangings. But when I came to know the real settlers along the three rivers, 1 concluded that they provided just about the same proportion of rascals as I had found in Ireland, and rather fewer than I had seen in New Orleans. They were a rowdy lot, but so was I when a lad, and if they liked their whiskey, so did I.
'Forgetting the occasional shooting and the few who abandoned their responsibilities, I remember them as kind-hearted, generous, quick to defend their rights, and eager to marry, respect their wives, and raise their children as Christians. 1 was happy to serve amongst them and have bright hopes for the land they are building.
'The judgment that the settlers were average was made rather effectively by Mattie Quimper in the brief summary she left of her days at the ferry bearing her name:
'Very few tried to use the ferry without paying, and when they did, others forced them to pay up, not me, because they said it was unfair to rob a woman. I offered bed and board to hundreds stopping at our inn, and apart from an occasional murder or a shooting after too much drink, I saw no misbehavior. If a wandering man had no money he slept free, and ate, too, but if he could afford it he paid, and few cheated me. Times were hard, but they were good, and I never saw much difference between the Mexican government and the Texican. They were both fairly decent.
'And I'm sure you remember Finlay Macnab's moving summary in which he tells of assessing his fellow ship passengers in October 1831 and found them to be stable citizens with above-average education? There were no criminals among the thirty adults and none who had been forced by the law to quit their homes back east. Remember with what respect he spoke of them and how pleased he was to be a member of such a group. He did, we must admit, point out two weaknesses: several had abandoned their families
back home, and quite a few favored heavy drink. But on the whole, thev justified Stephen Austin's boast in his letter to Maenab in 1829:
'1 can assure you, Mr Maenab. that the citizens of Texas are )ust as responsible and law-abiding as those of New Orleans or Cincinnati, and that ruffians will never be allowed in this colony'
With that, Dr. Smeadon clasped her hands under her chin and stared at us: 'How shall we resolve these four conflicting statements?'
She spent about twenty minutes parading before us other passages from contemporary documents, some supporting the view that all Texas settlers were criminals, others depicting an orderly society in which newcomers found refuge and encouragement to rebuild their lives. At the end of her recital we were in a jumble, and Lorenzo Quimper said so: 'What do we do, toss a coin?'
'No,' Dr. Smeadon said, 'we look for a construct."
'A what?'
'A theory which will explain the contradictions, resolve the differences.'
'That would have to be some theory! Jean Lafitte and Father Clooney in one bundle!"
'But that's exactly where they belong, where all of us belong, in one big bundle.'
She then launched into her main thesis, and as she developed it we began to acquire another vision of the Texas we loved. We neither defended it nor condemned. We merely looked at it through somewhat clearer glasses.
The construct that clears away many of the seeming contradictions is anomie, and I'm pleased that members of your staff provided the definition they did. It's quite accurate. Anomie is the emotional state of mind we are apt to fall into when we are wrenched away from familiar surroundings and thrown into perplexing new ones. The two key words for me are disorientation at first, followed by alienation if it continues long enough.
'I assure you, Mr. Quimper, I have no opinion whatever as to whether our great-great-grandfathers were criminals or rowdies or gentlemen scholars. All I'm concerned with is: "How did they behave? What did they actually do?" And when I study that restricted body of information I must conclude that most of them experienced anomie.
'Stands to reason, doesn't it 7 ' she asked. 'They were torn from settled homes. They surrendered the assured positions they had
enjoved in the pecking order. And they found themselves tossed topsy-turvy into a new environment they couldn't control.'
'Wouldn't they rejoice in their new freedom?' Quimper asked. I would.'
'At first you would, I'm sure. So would I. But then doubts would begin to seep in. You find that what looks like firm ground really isn't. Values begin to shift, and what was secure back east is found to be in flux. Disorientation is the word, and once it starts, its effect can be cumulative and catastrophic'
When we started to argue about our susceptibility to such disorientation, Dr. Smeadon asked Quimper if he would mind being a guinea pig, and he said 'Shoot!' so she asked him to stand, and as he smiled down at us she began to dissect him: 'The attractive thing about you, Mr. Quimper, is that you wear so forthrightly the badges of your position in our Texas society. Your big hat there on the table. Your attractive bolo tie. Your neat rancher's whipcords. Your very nice boots—you make them, don't you? And your Cadillac parked in some driveway and an oil well somewhere. They define you. They give you assurance that you're part of the team, and a not inconsiderable part.' She laughed, then asked: 'You're proud of being a Texan, aren't you?' and he snapped: 'I sure am.'
Now she became serious: 'Mr. Quimper, please be seated, and I thank you for your help. But how would you feel if you were suddenly transported, let's say to New Hampshire, which is a very fine state but which respects none of your visible symbols. Its people don't cotton to Cadillacs and oil wells, and its children would laugh at you if you wore a bolo.' She moved closer to him. 'How would you react, Mr. Quimper, if all your securities were suddenly dissolved?'
She smiled at him, a generous, warm smile of encouragement. 'From what I hear, you're a strong-minded man, Mr. Quimper, and I'm sure you'd fight back. Get the confusing signals sorted out. Establish new bases for self-esteem. And fairly soon, I would suppose, you'd be back on track.'
Suddenly her manner changed completely. Very gravely she said: 'Look at the conclusion in the definition the young people gave us: The ultimate manifestation of anomie: suicide. Have you ever reflected on the large number of leading Texas citizens, in the early days, who committed suicide? Anson Jones, last-time President of the Republic of Texas, a suicide. Thomas Rusk, United States Senator from Texas and perhaps the ablest man of his time, a possible candidate for President of the United States, suicide.
And what perplexes, Manuel de Mier y Teran, the ablest Mexican official ever sent north, he too committed suicide.'
'What can that possibly mean?' Miss Cobb asked, and the reply was short: 'That Texas was a fluid situation which attracted people who were prone to anomie, and that in their continuing disorganization they killed themselves.'
She proceeded with additional material which startled us: 'Look at the number of our Texas heroes who abandoned their wives back home. Sam Houston did it twice. That pretty little thing in Gallatin, Tennessee, his splendid Indian wife in Arkansas. Davy Crockett walked out the door one day without even saying goodbye, if we can believe the legend. William Travis did worse in Alabama, and I would not care to know how many others defending the Alamo had fled their wives without the formality of divorce. The Finlay Macnab who had such a favorable opinion of his fellow passengers was a standard case—left his wife and daughters in Baltimore, but brought his son with him.'
After she had poleaxed us with a score of such instances, she chuckled: 'Did you know that one of the first laws passed by the new nation of Texas in 1836 forgave bigamy if the immigrating male, like this Macnab, could claim long separation from his legal wife back east, or mail that had not been delivered, or unavoidable confusion or almost any other claim, no matter how fragile? The law assumed that a de facto divorce had occurred and that the Texas wife was legally married, with the children bearing no taint of bastardy. The law was necessary because in some areas a fourth of the husbands could have been charged with bigamy.'
After allowing this to sink in, she asked: 'What do you make of it, this irresponsible behavior, this wild resort to dueling, this sudden murder in the streets, this refusal of juries to find men guilty, and withal, this insistence that Texas was a religious state observing the highest moral principles?'
After we had paraded our ignorance and our determination to protect the reputation of our state, she said calmly: 'The best explanation, I think, is that the original situation in Texas—with the Neutral Ground more or less inviting disorganization—and the inability of the Mexican government to find consistency, and the protracted uncertainty over whether Texas would join the American Union created a fertile ground for the development of anomie. It became inescapable, a way of life whose lingering effects are with us still.'
After discussion, during which we rejected many of her ideas, she said: 'You people know your own minds, and that's good, that's
Texan. But I want to crank in several additional ideas before youji set yourselves in concrete. Oregon was settled at about the samei time as Texas, but its citizens developed none of the Texan neu-* roses.'
'Ah!' Quimper cried. 'But Oregon never had the Mexican indecision. Its forerunners were decent, law-abiding Englishmen.'
'But California did have exactly the background of Texas, and it didn't develop like us.'
'False analogy,' Garza said. 'For a hundred years Californiai experienced orderly Spanish and Mexican governments. Definitions were understood.'
'A very good point, Mr. Garza. Maybe that was the difference.')
'You're missing the real difference,' Quimper said. 'California: didn't have to battle Apache and Comanche.'
'But that the two states developed quite individually, you must admit.'
'And thank God for that.' Garza said. 'Who would want to live in Los Angeles?'
'Or San Francisco?' Quimper asked. 'All those gays?'
'About the same percentage as in Texas, I would suppose,' Dr. Smeadon said.
'You say that out in Lubbock, you're gonna be fired,' Quimper warned, and she said: 'I was thinking of Houston,' at which Quimper said: 'Houston don't count.'
'My next point is that even after joining the Union, Texas continued to enjoy special freedoms denied her sister states. She had the right to separate into five states, any time she wished. Public lands, which other states had to cede to the federal government, she retained. And in many things she went her own way. I'm not sure that these were constructive experiences. I'm not sure at all.'
'What do you mean?' Quimper thundered. 'They're the backbone of this state.'
'And one of the base causes of its neuroticism.'
'Are you saying that we're a bunch of neurotics?'
'I'm certainly neurotic,' Dr. Smeadon said. 'And I've just demonstrated that you would be if you were moved to New Hampshire, and if we talked long enough, I'm fairly sure I'd find that even Miss Cobb would be—on certain tender subjects, like Texas patriotism.'
'I never voted for Lyndon Johnson,' Quimper said, 'but I had to respect him that night at the Petroleum Club in Dallas when he told us: "I love three things. God, Texas and the United
States." And if there hadn't been a couple of ministers and priests in the audience, I'm sure he'd've changed the order.'
Dr. Smeadon nodded, as if she agreed. The lasting effect of the Texas version of anomie is that it has encouraged the state and its citizens to believe they're different. This was really the end of the road—for Spaniards, for Mexican officials and churchmen, for Americans. When you reached Nebraska in those heady years, you plunged on to Oregon. When you reached Kentucky, you forged ahead to Missouri. But when you reached Texas, you stayed put, except for the real crazies like Isaac Yarrow, who stumbled on to California.
'I like the Texas mix. The dreamers, the petty criminals. The God-driven ministers, the real estate connivers. And my heart goes out to the women like Mattie Quimper, who kept the ferries running.' She said nothing for some moments, thinking of her predecessors who lived in sod huts, and bore a dozen children, and died at thirty-nine, but did not commit suicide. 'I mourn for the strong men who were driven to self-destruction by complexities they could not understand. Texas has always been a neurotic place, a breeding ground for anomie. But it's the neuroticism of activity, of daring, and I hope it never changes, even though the cost can sometimes be so tragic'
MEN,
TO GONZALES 71 MILES
Fortified Gate
TO GOLIAD 95 MILES
RIPPER DA y
w
AR FORCES MEN TO MAKE MORAL CHOICES, AND THE
stronger the man, the more difficult it can be for him to make the right choice.
Thus, when the great General Santa Anna marched north from Saltillo on the morning of 26 January 1836, determined to discipline the rebellious district of Tejas once and for all, he goaded three men to reach decisions on problems they had been contemplating for some time. Finlay Macnab and Zave Campbell, both married to cherished Mexican women, suffered immediate crises of loyalty, which each would resolve in his own arbitrary way.
Especially tormenting were the problems which perplexed Benito Garza, their unmarried brother-in-law, who faced a decision of the gravest import: To what nation do I owe my allegiance?
As a loyal iMexican he argued with himself: I love Mexico. My heart beat faster when that fine Constitution of 1824 was announced, because I saw that it made possible a free state in Tejas, one that would enjoy honest freedoms. And I was proud when Santa Anna assumed control of my country, for he promised fine changes.
But as a young man he had always been generous in welcoming American immigrants, foT he recognized that vast changes were afoot and that perhaps even the basic governance of Tejas might have to be altered: I like northerners. I greeted them warmly when they arrived. I saw that we needed their vitality to fill our empty spaces, and I proved my good will by marrying my two sisters to yanquis. And when I am able to overlook the wrongs they do us mexicanos, I can imagine a new state in which we live together as equal partners. To his amazement, he was even willing to concede: If things go well, we might build in Tejas a new nation, half Texican, half mexicano.
But he never made that concession without immediately considering a major impediment: Those damned Texicans are so arrogant. Men come here from Tennessee and Kentucky, live on our land for two months, and start telling us mexicanos how to behave. Don't they know that this is our land? Has been for three hundred
years. If they had decent manners, we would share our land with them.
In fairness he had to grant certain facts: Zave Campbell? No better man ever came to Tejas. Same goes for Finlay Macnab. And I'd be happy if Otto were my son. If all Texicans were like them and all mexicanos like me, we could build a tremendous state in Tejas, and it could be either a part of Mexico or a free nation of its own.
But insurmountable obstacles intruded: Campbell and Macnab are all right, and so is Mattie Quimper. But the others? Impossible. They despise our religion. They laugh at how we act. They even mock our language, imitating the way we sing the last words of a sentence as if we wanted the melody of our idea to linger in the air. What makes me bitter, they treat our women with contempt, unwilling to recognize the difference between a whore and a gentlewoman. If they insist on ridiculing everything we stand for, how can they hope to share our land with us?
Because he was an intelligent man, widely traveled, he had to admit a fact which most mexicanos living in Tejas refused to face: There seems to be an inevitability about these Texicans. They come pouring into Tejas and our mexicanos do not. In the last ten years I've seen hundreds of northerners drift in, not one mexicano and certainly never anyone from Spain. Maybe the future lies with the americanos. Maybe a new nation of some kind is inescapable.
But his accidental use of the word americano evoked the angriest memory of all: Those damned Texicans are such braggarts. Call themselves americanos as if they had the right to dominate both our continents. The only name they have a right to is norteamericano, and I will never again call them anything else.
Underlying these complaints, some of them trivial, was a deeper concern which intensified them all. Garza was a Mexican patriot who loved his beautiful, chaotic country and cherished the Spanish heritage from which his revered mother had sprung. He often thought of Mexico and Trinidad de Saldana as one entity, an object of enormous dignity and worthy of devotion. To see this glorious world of Spain and Mexico smothered by Kentucky and Tennessee barbarism was so repugnant that he must defend the old values.
And now his conclusion: The only power that can save Tejas from being overwhelmed by the norteamericanos is Santa Anna. Forget that he destroyed the Constitution of 1824. Maybe his way of governing is best. One thing I'm sure of. He'll discipline those damned Texicans. So if he needs me, I'll have to fight on his side.
The moral and political struggle between an old Mexico and a
new Tejas under a new form of government had been resolved. Benito Garza committed himself to fighting for the old, and so long as he lived he would never reconsider.
On 4 January, while Santa Anna was leading his men toward Saltillo, Benito made his final appearance in the market town of Victoria, where he talked quietly with the mexicanos he felt he could trust. Angel Guerra said frankly: 'When he tore up the Constitution of 1824 and made it impossible for us to govern ourselves . . . that day I said "To hell with Santa Anna." I'm fighting with the Texicans.' A surprising number of sensible mexicanos said the same; Santa Anna's dictatorial policies had alienated them.
But certain thoughtful men, and among them leaders of the community like Elizondo Aldama, said: if the Texicans assume power, there can never be a decent role for us mexicanos. We'll always be third class, objects of contempt.'
'What are you going to do?' Garza asked guardedly.
i'm certainly not going out to fight in Santa Anna's army, the way he treats his men, but I shall stay here within my walls and pray for his victory.' Many confided the same.
But a reassuring group took Benito aside: 'We know you're going to join Santa Anna. He'll teach those yanqui invaders. Tell him that when he finishes with Bejar and marches over here, he'll find hundreds of us eager to help.' Garza judged that the majority of the Victoria mexicanos felt that way.
He also found two young men who were burning to join the oncoming army, and to them he said solemnly: 'I'm riding to Bejar tomorrow at sunrise. Join me two miles west of the Macnab place, where the road forks.'
It was now midafternoon and Garza rode casually about Victoria, bidding farewell to a town he had grown to love. He was a striking figure, somewhat large for a mexicano, with light-brown skin, neatly trimmed mustache, dark hair across his forehead, an easy seat in his expensive saddle, and that twisted, ingratiating smile which he had inherited from his mother, the well-regarded Trinidad de Saldana who had once ruled vast holdings along the Rio Grande. At certain turns of the rough streets he felt a pang of regret that he should be proposing to enter a war which might have disastrous consequences for Victoria and those citizens who were electing to side with the Texicans, but he knew it to be inevitable: Texicans and mexicanos cannot live side by side. As soon as he thought this he realized its impropriety: We live side by side right now, nowhere closer than in the Campbell dog-run. But we can't rule side by side. We cannot be treated justly by men
who hold us in contempt. Santa Anna is right. Clean house. Shoot the tough old-timers . . . start new
He shook his head in perplexity, for he had to appreciate the fallacy of what he had just thought. It was not the longtime Texicans who were the firebrands leading the rebellion, most of Austin's famous Old Three Hundred, the earliest anglo settlers, were content to remain mexicano citizens. It was men who had been in Tejas less than two years, less than a year, less, by God, than six weeks, who screamed for war. And now, Garza thought grimly, they're going to get it. He was prepared to annihilate all of them.
But when he reached the Campbell home and saw for the last time his three trusted friends, he had to leave the kitchen where his sisters Maria and Josefina were preparing supper, lest his confusion betray the harsh action he was about to take. In the darkening twilight he walked disconsolately along the banks of the Guadalupe, and under the oak tree from which Campbell had been hanged he thought of how much he loved these daring men, how he had trusted and worked with them, helping them build their homes and teaching their boy in the ways of his new land. He wondered if he should warn them of the danger that was about to engulf them, and he decided that to do so might endanger his own plans, but as they sat at supper he did suddenly blurt out: i think we are all in great danger. I think Santa Anna will sweep through Bejar and be here in Victoria within the month. Be careful, I beg you.'
Macnab said later: 'I guessed that night he was going to fight with Santa Anna.' When another Texican asked. 'Why didn't you stop him?' Finlay said: 'I was worried about my decision, not his.'
At dawn on 5 January, while the two mexicanos waited for Benito at the fork of the road, young Otto, who had suspected what was up, lingered far behind in the darkness to watch the three conspirators ride off. Desperately he wanted to bid his friend Godspeed but was afraid to do so. Unknown to Garza, Otto waved farewell to his Mexican friend as the sun rose over Victoria.
The three mexicanos rode speedily to Bejar, a hundred-odd miles to the northwest, where they found great confusion. Sketchy word had reached town that General Santa Anna was marching toward Tejas with an army of thousands, and Texican military men, or what passed for such, had already begun to survey the only defensible structure in Bejar, the Alamo, as the ruins of the old mission on the east side of the river were called. Since this was obviously to be the keystone of the Texican defense, Garza inspected it as carefully as he could without arousing the suspicions of the rough-clad men who patrolled it.
He saw that it was a spacious place running north and south, with sturdy adobe walls enclosing a central area large enough to house hundreds of cattle and thousands of men. Ancient buildings lined the inside of some of the walls; clearly, the place could be taken by determined assault, but if Tennessee and Kentucky men manned the walls with their powerful rifles, the cost could be sizable.
Still, Garza thought, I'd rather be outside with two thousand trying to get in than inside with a hundred and fifty trying to keep them out. He had made a cautious census of the Texicans but had arrived at a figure slightly too high; the Alamo contained only one hundred and forty-two fighting men.
At the southeast corner of the compound stood the mission church, a crumbling two-story building without a roof. Its walls were of stone and rather formidable. Anyone inside would be momentarily safe, but it could not be termed a fort and would probably play only a minor role in the siege. The ruined church was, in its way, impressive, a falling relic of those better days when Spanish friars had brought Christ and sanity to Tejas; it had been secularized in 1793, forty-three years earlier, and had from time to time been savagely abused by various army units stationed within.
One last thing Garza noticed as he completed his survey. Outside every wall of the old mission there was ample open ground, which would influence the flow of battle in two ways: the besieging army could maneuver and choose its spot for major attack; but the same open ground would enable the defenders to take unimpeded aim at any troops trying to assault the walls. Calculating the comparative advantages, Garza concluded: A determined assault will finish off the Alamo within three or four days.
Leaving the makeshift fortress on 13 January, he crossed the river, entered the town itself and checked the streets to see if any Texicans were stationed there. The Veramendi residence did contain one important Texican, Mordecai Marr, now seventy-two, but since his wife, Amalia, had converted him into a virtual mexicano, he posed no danger. At the former Saldana house on the plaza, there were no signs of anglos. And the unfinished San Fernando Church looked down impassively on the quiet scene and tolled its bells at regular intervals.
At dusk on the same day Garza said farewell to Bejar. He rode past Rancho El Codo, once owned by the Saldarias, later by the Veramendis, now by the Marrs, and pressed on to San Juan Bautista, now called Presidio del Rio Grande, from there to Monclova, and on toward Saltillo.
He did not reach this delightful little city because on the morn-
ing of 27 January 1836 he reined in his horse and stood in his stirrups to view a sight which thrilled him—marching north, raising clouds of dust, came the outriders of Santa Anna's army: Dear God, they've come to rescue us from those damned norteamericanos.
Spurring his horse, he galloped forward to meet the oncoming saviors, and when he drew within hailing distance he shouted: i must see General Santa Anna ... at once.'
'Who are you?' a subaltern asked.
'A loyal mexicano, with information of great importance.'
He displayed such authority that he was led directly to the general, and saw for the first time El Salvador de Mexico, the great Santa Anna. An imposing man of forty-one, tall, trim, dark-complexioned and with very black hair that sometimes drooped over his forehead, Santa Anna dressed himself, even on a march such as this, in uniforms of the most extravagant nature, with a flood of medals cascading down his chest. As a reward for his rape of Zacatecas, Major General Santa Anna had promoted himself to the rank of general-in-chief and taken the exalted title Benemerito en Grado Heroico, and there was gutter rumor that when he succeeded in subduing the Texicans, he was to name himself Benemerito Universal y Perpetuo.